iia 


[    LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF 
CALIFORNIA 

I       SAN  DIEGO 


UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 
UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  SAN  DIEGO 

from  the  collection  of 
Professor  Koppel  S.  Pinson 


A  PEACE  CONGRESS 
OF  INTRIGUE 

(VIENNA,  1815) 


A  PEACE  CONGRESS 
OF  INTRIGUE 

(VIENNA,  1815) 

A  VIVID,  INTIMATE  ACCOUNT 
OF  THE  CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA 

COMPOSED  OF  THE  PERSONAL  MEMOIRS 
OF    ITS    IMPORTANT    PARTICIPANTS 

COMPILED  BY 

FREDERICK  FREKSA 

TRANSLATED 
AND   WITH   AN   INTRODUCTION   AND   NOTES 

BY  HARRY  HANSEN 


NEW  YORK 
THE  CENTURY  CO. 

1919 


COPYRIGHT,  1919,  BY 
THE  CENTUBT  Co. 


Published  January,  1919 


....  "Statesmen  must  by  this  time  have  learned 
that  the  opinion  of  the  world  is  everywhere  wide-awake 
and  fully  comprehends  the  issues  involved.  No  rep- 
resentative of  any  self-governed  nation  will  dare  dis- 
regard it  by  attempting  any  such  covenants  of  selfish- 
ness and  compromise  as  were  entered  into  at  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna.  The  thought  of  the  plain  people  here 
and  everywhere  throughout  the  world,  the  people  who 
enjoy  no  privilege  and  have  very  simple  and  un- 
sophisticated standards  of  right  and  wrong,  is  the  air 
all  governments  must  henceforth  breathe  if  they  would 
live.  It  is  in  the  full  disclosing  light  of  that  thought 
that  all  policies  must  be  conceived  and  executed  in  this 
midday  hour  of  the  world's  life.  German  rulers  have 
been  able  to  upset  the  peace  of  the  world  only  because 
the  German  people  were  not  suffered  under  their  tute- 
lage to  share  the  comradeship  of  the  other  peoples  of 
the  world  either  in  thought  or  in  purpose.  They  were 
allowed  to  have  no  opinion  of  their  own  which  might 
be  set  up  as  a  rule  of  conduct  for  those  who  exer- 
cised authority  over  them.  But  the  Congress  that 
concludes  this  war  will  feel  the  full  strength  of  the 
tides  that  run  now  in  the  hearts  and  consciences  of 
free  men  everywhere.  Its  conclusions  will  run  with 
those  tides." 

WOODROW  WILSON. 

In  his  address  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  December  4*  1917. 


CONTENTS 


FOREWORD.    THE  LEGACY  OF  VIENNA  AT  VERSAILLES     ix 
THE  LIGHTER  SIDE  OF  THE  CONGRESS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.    THOSE  WHO  DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS     .         3 

(From  the  reminiscences  of  the  Countess  Bernstorff.) 

II.    A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS     ...       48 

(From  the  reminiscences  of  the  Count  de  la  Garde.) 

III.  TALES  OUT  OF  SCHOOL Ill 

(From  the  notes  of  Baron  von  Nostitz.) 

IV.  OF  KINGS  AND  NOBLE  LORDS     ....     140 

(From  the  reminiscences  of  the  Countess  Lulu  Thiir- 
heim.) 

BEHIND  THE  SCENES  AT  THE  CONGRESS 

V.     LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  FOR  THE  PRUSSIAN 

POWER 154 

(From  the  letters  of  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt.) 

VI.    A  PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG    .     224 

(From  the  diary  of  Archduke  John  of  Austria.) 

VII.    THE   MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   OF   DIPLOMACY 

EXPOSES  HIS  HAND 276 

(From  the  letters  of  Charles  Maurice  de  Talleyrand 
to  his  sovereign,  King  Louis  XVIII  of  France.) 

VIII.    POLAND  AND  SAXONY  ONE  HUNDRED  YEARS 

AGO 350 

(From  the  diary  of  Baron  von  Stein.) 
vii 


FOREWORD 

THE  LEGACY  OF  VIENNA  AT  VERSAILLES 

Milestones — The  Congress  of  Vienna  and  the 
Peace  Conference  of  Versailles!  Exactly  104 
years  of  human  history  lies  between  them;  and 
what  a  history! 

The  Peace  Conference  at  Versailles  is  before 
our  eyes;  we  are  all  of  us  more  or  less  partici- 
pants. Before  it  met  we  had  visualized  its  task. 
That  it  will  decide  matters  for  good  and  all  no 
one  believes  or  wishes  to  believe.  That  it  will  al- 
leviate human  suffering  and  right  some  of  the 
wrongs  that  have  oppressed  mankind  is  the  fer- 
vent hope  of  the  millions  who  look  toward  it  for 
freedom.  It  is  also  their  hope  and  belief  that  the 
men  who  make  up  this  conference  are  animated 
by  the  spirit  of  service — of  adjusting  affairs  so 
that  they  will  serve  the  interests  of  the  many  and 
not  the  few.  It  is  a  conference  the  decisions  of 
which  will  not  be  worth  the  paper  they  are  written 
on  if  they  do  not  have  the  consent  of  the  governed. 

In  this  lies  the  strong  contrast  between  the 
Congress  of  Vienna  and  the  Peace  Conference  at 


x  FOREWORD 

Versailles.  Vienna  was  a  congress  of  princes  and 
arbitrary  rulers.  The  hereditary  overlords  de- 
cided according  to  their  aims  and  ambitions,  in  a 
spirit  of  greed  and  selfishness.  Its  story  need  not 
be  told  by  those  of  us  who  view  its  results  in  the 
perspective  of  one  hundred  years.  It  has  been 
set  down  in  no  uncertain  fashion  by  the  men  and 
women  who  took  part  in  its  negotiations  and  in 
its  gay  social  life — in  diaries  and  memoirs  that 
disclose  only  too  well  their  belief  that  the  people 
existed  only  to  be  trafficked  in. 

The  significant  thing  about  the  Congress  of 
Vienna  is  that  the  kings  and  ministers  met  to 
prove  the  accuracy  of  this  belief.  It  was  like  a 
diet  that  assembled  to  reaffirm  the  articles  of  a 
.creed  that  had  been  under  fire.  The  right  of  the 
princes  to  the  bodies  and  souls  of  their  people  was 
being  questioned.  The  French  Revolution  had 
caused  many  hereditary  rulers  to  fear  that  even 
the  anointed  were  not  safe  without  proper  guar- 
anties. The  Napoleonic  regime  had  swept  many 
petty  lords  aside  and  created  new  ones  overnight ; 
so  that  it  was  apparent  even  to  the  humblest  Rus- 
sian muzhik  that  royalty  was  often  a  most  hu- 
man institution.  Moreover,  the  common  people 
heard  from  the  sailors  and  the  merchant  classes 
that  across  the  seas  a  new  nation  was  growing  up 
without  kings  or  privileged  rulers  of  any  kind. 
It  was  exactly  the  logical  moment  for  reaction  to 


FOREWORD  xi 

reassert  itself,  and  the  argument  of  Talleyrand 
for  "legitimacy,"  in  which  he  set  forth  that  only  a 
legitimate  ruler  insured  a  stable  government,  was 
the  logical  result  of  circumstances,  even  though 
he  advanced  it  with  the  selfish  motive  of  putting 
the  Bourbons  securely  back  into  power. 

The  Congress  of  Vienna  was  called  into  being 
by  an  article  in  the  treaty  signed  at  Paris,  May 
30,  1814,  after  Xapoleon  had  been  crushed  by  a 
coalition  composed  of  England,  Austria,  Russia, 
and  Prussia,  and  had  abdicated  at  Fontainebleau. 
It  was  to  begin  October  1,  1814,  and  credentials 
were  to  be  presented  November  1,  1814.  About 
ninety  persons  actually  took  part  in  the  Congress, 
but  the  number  of  those  present  on  various  mis- 
sions was  much  larger.  Virtually  all  the  sover- 
eigns of  Europe  whose  fortunes  had  been  affected 
by  the  Napoleonic  Wars  were  there.  In  addi- 
tion a  great  many  political  groups  that  sought 
recognition  from  the  powers  were  represented 
by  lobbyists.  Every  salon  was  a  political  camp. 

When  the  Congress  assembled,  Czar  Alexan- 
der of  Russia  was  its  dominating  figure.  His 
arms  had  been  overwhelmingly  victorious,  and  he 
stood  ready  to  profit  by  their  success.  Early  in 
his  career  he  had  shown  the  most  liberal  tend- 
encies. To  many  he  was  known  as  "the  dream 
prince."  When  the  Congress  closed,  it  was  found 
that  Tallevrand  had  been  its  most  influential 


xii  FOREWORD 

figure.  As  the  plenipotentiary  of  Louis  XVIII 
he  had  split  the  allies,  driven  a  wedge  between 
Austria  and  Prussia,  and  formed  an  alliance  of 
defense  against  Russia  and  Prussia  with  Austria, 
England,  and  Bavaria. 

England's  spokesman  was  Lord  Castlereagh 
(later  Marquis  of  Londonderry) ,  and  for  a  short 
time  the  Duke  of  Wellington.  Prussia  was  rep- 
resented by  its  chancellor,  Hardenberg,  and  to  a 
great  degree  by  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt.  Aus- 
tria was  represented  by  Metternich. 

By  a  secret  article  in  the  Treaty  of  Paris  the 
four  powers  that  had  been  allied  against  Na- 
poleon agreed  that  they  alone  should  decide  on 
the  division  of  territory,  and  that  France  and 
Spain  should  later  be  called  into  consultation. 
Talleyrand  broke  up  this  plan  by  playing  on  the 
prejudices  of  the  allies.  He  found  that  Austria's 
weak  spot  was  the  fear  of  Prussia's  growing  mili- 
tary power.  Therefore  he  seconded  Austria's 
opposition  to  the  seizing  of  the  whole  of  Saxony 
by  Prussia. 

Prussia  demanded  Saxony  because  Russia  de- 
manded the  Slav  districts  of  southern  Prussia. 
Saxony  was  regarded  as  an  outlaw  state  because 
its  king  had  supported  Napoleon  to  the  end. 
Other  German  states,  notably  Bavaria,  had  sup- 
ported Napoleon  at  one  time  or  another,  but  they 
had  joined  the  cause  of  the  allies  before  Napoleon 


FOREWORD  xiii 

was  defeated.  Russia  supported  the  claims  of 
Prussia  against  Saxony;  Prussia  supported  the 
claims  of  Russia  against  Poland. 

Austria  demanded  a  share  of  Saxony,  Italy, 
and  Poland.  It  was  willing  to  relinquish  its  hold- 
ings in  the  Netherlands,  which  were  becoming 
burdensome.  Russia  objected  to  appeasing  Aus- 
tria by  giving  up  Polish  territory,  and  Prussia 
did  not  want  to  strengthen  Austria  by  giving  up 
any  part  of  Saxony. 

Some  of  the  minor  German  princes,  realizing 
their  inability  to  cope  with  the  larger  powers,  had 
reverted  to  the  idea  of  a  German  empire.  A 
number  of  able  men  had  toyed  wyith  the  plan,  but 
the  animosities  of  Austria,  Prussia,  and  Bavaria 
made  united  action  impossible.  The  chief  expo- 
nent of  this  idea  was  Baron  von  Stein,  who  looked 
forward  to  an  empire  with  a  liberal  constitution. 
Austria  supported  the  project  half-heartedly,  re- 
fusing to  enter  into  it  as  long  as  it  appeared  that 
Prussia  might  be  an  effective  antagonist.  Prus- 
sia was  on  the  other  side  of  the  argument,  and 
hoped  eventually  to  be  so  strong  in  Germany  that 
Austria  could  be  disregarded  and  Prussia  could 
acquire  the  kaiserdom.  It  was  not  until  1871  that 
Bismarck  was  able  to  arrogate  the  imperial  crown 
to  Prussia  by  means  of  the  Franco-Prussian 
War. 

The  smaller  nations  had  various  aims.    Wiir- 


xiv  FOREWORD 

temberg  opposed  the  growth  of  Prussia,  but 
could  not  hinder  it.  The  Crown  Prince  of  Wiir- 
temberg,  who  seems  to  have  been  more  self-as- 
sertive than  his  father,  leaned  toward  Russia  and 
sought  Alexander's  support  for  the  restoration 
of  the  German  empire,  using  his  projected  mar- 
riage with  the  sister  of  the  czar  as  his  bid  for  sup- 
port, and  hoping  eventually  to  become  command- 
er-in-chief  of  the  army  of  the  German  Confed- 
eration. Before  the  Congress  ended,  both  Wiir- 
temberg  and  Bavaria  gave  constitutions  to  their 
people. 

The  Scandinavian  nations  were  also  repre- 
sented at  the  Congress,  but  for  the  most  part 
went  empty-handed.  The  Russian  power,  which 
had  its  genesis  in  Bjorko,  in  Lake  Malar,  and 
was  still  regarded  as  barbarian  when  the  Congress 
of  Utrecht  met  one  hundred  years  before, 
rounded  out  the  work  of  conquest  begun  with  the 
defeat  of  Charles  XII  of  Sweden  at  Pultowa, 
and  held  fast  to  Finland.  Pultowa  is  in  the 
Ukraine,  which  to-day  is  knocking  at  the  gates  of 
Versailles  for  freedom  from  the  yoke  of  Petro- 
grad.  Finland,  still  the  battle-ground  of  Russo- 
German  intrigue,  is  looking  to  Versailles  for 
guidance  to  realize  its  national  aspirations. 

In  the  readjustments  that  were  effected  when 
the  return  of  Napoleon  from  Elba  forced  the  sov- 
ereigns to  drop  their  animosities  and  unite  once 


FOREWORD  xv 

more,  Russia  retained  the  greater  part  of  Poland 
and  Bessarabia,  and  allowed  Prussia  to  keep 
Posen  and  Austria  to  effect  a  slight  rectification 
of  its  frontier.  Austria  gave  Belgium  to  the 
house  of  Orange,  which  made  it  a  part  of  the 
Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands.  Austria  gained 
Lombardy,  Venetia,  Illyria,  Tyrol,  and  Salzburg. 
Prussia  grudgingly  took  two  fifths  of  Saxony 
and  certain  provinces  on  the  Rhine  that  were  so 
badly  gerrymandered  that  general  opprobrium 
was  visited  on  the  Prussian  delegates  when  they 
returned  to  Berlin.  Pomerania,  which  had  been 
Swedish,  also  went  to  Prussia.  Lauenburg  was 
given  to  Denmark,  but  this  failed  to  compensate 
for  the  loss  of  Norway  to  Sweden.  The  Saxon 
King  retained  his  throne  and  a  small  fraction  of 
his  kingdom,  including  his  best  cities,  Leipsic  and 
Dresden.  It  was  the  Congress  of  Vienna  that 
gave  Helgoland  to  England,  as  well  as  Malta 
and  the  Ionian  Isles.  In  its  haste  it  forgot  about 
the  little  strip  of  land  at  the  point  where  Holland, 
Germany,  and  Belgium  unite,  called  Moresnet, 
which  for  a  hundred  years  has  had  no  ruler  and 
no  flag. 

Versailles  is  dominated  by  the  idea  of  a  league 
of  nations  to  enforce  peace;  Vienna  was  domi- 
nated by  the  man  who  years  before  had  dreamed 
of  a  similar  league  of  nations — Alexander  of 
Russia.  But,  when  the  Congress  met,  Alexander 


xvi  FOREWORD 

had  forgotten  his  dream.  The  league  was  first 
broached  in  Alexander's  instructions  to  his  envoy 
in  London  in  1801.  It  professed  to  form  a  bond 
between  the  nations  of  Europe  on  the  basis  of  the 
existing  international  situation,  each  nation  giv- 
ing aid  to  another  in  case  of  need.  In  phraseology 
it  expressed  many  noble  virtues,  but  it  was  dis- 
tinctly meant  to  be  a  creation  of  princes  to  main- 
tain their  power.  It  was  the  forerunner  of  the 
"holy"  alliance  formed  between  Austria,  Prus- 
sia, and  Russia  after  Waterloo. 

In  the  final  act  of  Vienna  in  1820  the  idea  of 
an  international  court  took  expression  in  a  clause 
which  provided  that  "the  confederated  states  en- 
gage not  to  make  war  against  one  another  on  any 
pretext,  nor  to  pursue  their  differences  by  force 
of  arms,  but  to  submit  them  to  the  diet,  which 
shall  attempt  to  mediate  by  means  of  a  commis- 
sion. If  this  should  not  succeed,  and  a  judicial 
sentence  becomes  necessary,  recourse  shall  be 
had  to  a  well  organized  court,  to  the  decision  of 
which  the  contending  parties  will  submit  without 
appeal."  The  court  was  never  organized,  or  pro- 
vided with  means  of  enforcing  its  decisions. 

A  peace  conference  is  sometimes  spoken  of  as 
a  high  court  which  shall  judge  good  and  evil 
among  the  nations.  It  is  scarcely  that  so  long  as 
it  represents  only  one  group  of  litigants.  There 
is  hope  among  many  students  of  political  affairs 


FOREWORD  xvii 

in  the  United  States  and  England  that  the  con- 
ference of  Versailles  may  grow  into  such  a  court. 
The  development  is  logical,  and  would  almost 
seem  to  have  a  parallel  in  the  development  of 
our  civil  courts. 

A  congress  of  nations  like  that  at  Vienna,  or 
a  peace  conference  like  that  at  Versailles,  is  based 
first  of  all  on  force.  The  men  who  gathered  at 
Vienna  disposed  of  their  world  according  to  terms 
that  they  could  enforce.  Alexander  could  speak 
with  decision  because  a  great  Russian  army  stood 
on  Russia's  western  boundaries.  The  allies  and 
the  United  States  are  able  to  dictate  terms  of 
peace  because  they  can  enforce  that  peace.  But 
there  is  this  difference:  At  Vienna  force  served 
the  outworn  institution  of  the  nobility  and  divine 
right;  at  Versailles  force  is  in  the  hands  of  men 
who  are  directly  representative  of  the  actual  rul- 
ing element  in  their  political  group. 

In  this  regard  their  position  is  analogous  to 
that  of  the  Vigilantes  of  frontier  days,  who  or- 
ganized to  run  down  the  horse-thief,  and,  when 
they  caught  him,  strung  him  up.  Their  rule  also 
was  based  on  force.  It  was  a  force  that  was  ap- 
proved by  the  best  interests  of  the  community, 
the  group  that  approved  law  and  order;  in  other 
words,  security  of  life  and  property.  It  was  done 
by  consent  of  the  governed,  and  objected  to  only 
by  the  small  minority  of  disturbers,  who  soon 


xviii  FOREWORD 

mended  their  ways.  The  Vigilantes  went  back  to 
their  every-day  tasks  when  the  legitimate  work 
of  the  courts  was  made  possible. 

It  is  therefore  not  out  of  place  to  hope  that  the 
peace  conference,  which  has  seen  an  international 
horse-thief  caught  and  punished,  and  has  now 
assembled  to  restore  stolen  property,  may  grow 
into  an  international  court  of  justice.  There  is 
one  difficulty  in  the  way.  The  Vigilantes  were 
sufficiently  close  to  the  horse-thief  and  his  gang 
to  hang  the  ringleader  and  convert  his  accom- 
plices. The  work  of  converting  a  criminal  nation 
that  is  powerful  enough  to  maintain  its  own  point 
of  view  within  its  own  borders,  and  is  not  easily 
susceptible  to  pressure  other  than  force  from 
without,  presents  a  problem  vastly  more  difficult 
of  solution.  But  it  can  and  must  be  solved. 

It  is  highly  significant  that  virtually  all  of  the 
men  who  kept  diaries  at  the  time  of  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  or  who  wrote  memoirs  twenty 
years  after  estimated  the  Congress  at  its  true 
value.  They  knew  exactly  why  they  had  come 
and  what  they  might  expect.  Restoration — a 
return  to  conditions  of  pre-Napoleonic  times — 
was  their  watchword,  at  least  the  watchword  of 
the  greater  princes.  The  fact  that  some  of  the 
petty  princes  had  lost  their  thrones  and  their 
privileges  in  the  upheaval  did  not  disturb  them. 
They  were  willing  to  profit  by  the  situation  and 


FOREWORD  xix 

to  remove  these  sources  of  bickering  and  discon- 
tent. Political  entities  were  becoming  larger 
and  more  powerful ;  the  day  of  strongly  national- 
ized groups  was  at  hand. 

In  the  past  nationalism  had  not  even  been  a 
determining  factor  in  the  choice  of  diplomats  by 
the  different  European  courts.  It  is  true  that 
England's  foreign  policy  was  conducted  by  Eng- 
lishmen who  had  the  welfare  of  their  own  na- 
tion at  heart,  and  to  this  may  be  ascribed  not  a 
little  of  England's  success  in  foreign  fields.  The 
political  affairs  of  France  had  remained  almost 
exclusively  in  the  hands  of  Frenchmen,  but  at 
other  Continental  courts  foreigners  often  decided 
on  the  most  vital  questions  that  could  affect  the 
nations'  future.  So  many  nationalities  were  rep- 
resented in  the  entourage  of  Czar  Alexander  at 
the  Congress  of  Vienna — and  at  other  diplomatic 
conferences — that  it  is  proper  to  ask  whether 
there  was  anything  left  for  the  Russian  people 
to  do  except  support  the  foreign  administration 
and  bleed  for  their  country.  Capo  d'Istria  was 
born  on  the  island  of  Corfu,  and  received  his 
title  from  the  Duke  of  Savoy;  the  cause  of  the 
Greek  republic  lay  close  to  his  heart.  Later  he 
became  Russian  minister  of  foreign  affairs  jointly 
with  Nesselrode.  The  Nesselrodes  hailed  from 
Livonia,  but  the  migration  of  the  family  from 
Westphalia  was  comparatively  recent,  and  Nes- 


xx  FOREWORD 

selrode  himself  received  a  thoroughgoing  Ger- 
man education.  Baron  von  Stein  was  a  German. 
Pozzo  di  Borgo  was  a  Corsican  who  was  at  first 
intimately  associated  with  the  fortunes  of  France, 
but  was  later  exiled  by  Napoleon.  Czartoryski 
was  a  Pole.  The  conglomerate  character  of  Aus- 
trian ministries  is  a  matter  of  history.  Even 
Prussia,  which  set  great  store  by  nationality,  was 
not  averse  to  taking  brilliant  men  into  its  service 
from  other  countries.  It  was  Hardenberg,  it  will 
be  remembered,  who  found  a  place  in  Prussia  for 
the  Danish  delegate  at  the  Congress,  Bernstorff. 

There  is  no  cloud  on  the  origin  and  nationality 
of  the  men  who  represent  the  various  nations  at 
the  peace  conference  at  Versailles.  Indeed,  so 
sharply  have  the  lines  been  drawn  that  no  people 
to-day  will  permit  its  fortunes  to  be  put  into  the 
hands  of  a  stranger,  or  of  any  man  whose  nation- 
ality is  not  the  same  as  their  own. 

In  attempting  to  adjust  affairs  for  the  future, 
Vienna  erred  in  not  being  guided  by  the  lessons 
of  the  past.  It  took  for  granted  that  human  af- 
fairs had  remained  in  a  cataleptic  state,  despite 
the  fact  that  Europe  had  just  passed  through  a 
cataclysm.  It  failed  to  interpret  aright  the  spirit 
that  was  born  with  the  French  Revolution.  It 
attributed  the  upheaval  that  followed  to  the  per- 
sonal influence  of  one  man,  Napoleon,  by  whom 
it  imagined  the  people  had  been  misled.  It  failed 


FOREWORD  xxi 

to  realize  that  Napoleon  was  wholly  as  much  a 
product  of  his  time  as  the  wars  were  a  product 
of  his  ambition.  Fifty  years  before  he  might 
have  been  another  Zacharias  Werner,  shouting 
and  gesticulating  from  the  political  pulpit  to  an 
amused,  interested,  but  non-responsive  congrega- 
tion. 

In  attempting  to  adjust  affairs  in  order  that 
there  will  be  a  measure  of  security  in  Europe  in 
the  future,  the  men  who  meet  at  Versailles  have 
before  them  the  lessons  of  the  last  hundred  years 
of  progress  toward  democratic  government. 
Since  the  Congress  of  Vienna  history  has  been 
written  with  an  eye  to  movements  and  tendencies 
among  the  people.  At  Vienna  the  princes  looked 
down  with  contempt  on  the  common  herd;  at 
Versailles  the  delegates  prefer  to  call  themselves 
spokesmen  of  the  popular  will.  Their  success  will 
depend  entirely  on  how  well  they  interpret  that 
will. 

HARRY  HANSEN. 

Versailles,  France,  December,  1918. 


THE  LIGHTER  SIDE  OF 
THE  CONGRESS 


CHAPTER  I 

THOSE  WHO  DANCED  AT  THE 
CONGRESS 

FROM     THE    REMINISCENCES     OF     THE     COUNTESS 
BERNSTORFF 

"The  Congress  dances  but  accomplishes  nothing," 
said  that  old  wit,  the  Prince  de  Ligne,  and  his  mot  be- 
came traditional.  If  later  generations  came  to  think 
of  the  Congress  of  Vienna  as  a  gay,  colorful  assembly 
of  royal  merrymakers,  it  was  largely  due  to  reminis- 
cences such  as  these  which  Elise  von  Dernath,  Countess 
Bernstorff,  wrote  for  her  children  twenty-three  years 
after  the  event.  The  social  position  of  the  countess 
was  unapproachable.  Her  husband,  Christian  Giinther 
von  Bernstorff,  was  so  beloved  in  Vienna  that  he  was 
enabled  to  reside  there  during  a  period  when  Austria 
was  nominally  at  war  with  Denmark.  He  was  Danish 
ambassador  at  Vienna  and  delegate  for  Denmark  to 
the  Congress  with  his  brother  Joachim.  The  name 
comes  down  to  our  own  day,  for  the  Schleswig-Holstein 

3 


4   A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

question,  which  this  Bernstorff  tried,  and  failed  to 
solve,  may  come  up  again  for  settlement  before  the 
peace  conference  at  Versailles ;  it  is  significant  also  that 
it  was  a  member  of  this  family  who  represented  Ger- 
many as  ambassador  to  the  United  States  immediately 
before  America  entered  the  war.  Countess  Bernstorff 
was  the  daughter  of  the  Count  of  Dernath,  and  calls 
herself  German  on  the  ground  of  her  Holstein  nativity. 
It  is  not  unlikely  that  when  Prince  Hardenberg,  the 
Prussian  chancellor,  asked  Count  Bernstorff  to  enter 
the  Prussian  diplomatic  service  in  1818,  his  wife's  pre- 
dilections for  Prussia  may  have  been  a  determining 
factor  in  placing  the  Bernstorff  family  in  the  Prussian 
service. 

THOSE  WHO  DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS 

WHEN  I  let  this  wonderful  time  pass  in  re- 
view before  my  mind's  eye,  so  many  different  pic- 
tures suggest  themselves  that  I  do  not  know  how 
to  unite  them;  the  less  so  because,  unhappily, 
not  all  the  facts  are  at  my  command.  Although 
the  Congress  had  called  together  the  exalted 
heads  of  the  greatest  empires,  because  it  was  to 
decide  the  most  important  interests  of  the  na- 
tions, that  had  put  the  long  rule  of  oppression 
behind  them,  and  to  order  anew  their  political 
relations,  yet  the  task  was  so  tremendous,  so  dif- 
ficult, and  the  interests  of  those  engaged  were 
often  so  diametrically  opposed  to  one  another, 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  5 

that  it  seemed  at  first  to  all  observers  as  if  they 
would  not  be  able  to  agree. 

It  seemed  as  if  the  mutual  friendly  relations 
were  used  only  for  the  purpose  of  investigation, 
and  there  was  the  atmosphere  of  a  thunder-storm 
and  a  weight  on  the  spirits.  In  order  to  get  rid 
of  this  and  to  obtain  composure,  we  entered  heart- 
ily into  diversions,  and  it  appeared  as  if  the  great 
lords,  with  their  numerous  followings,  had  come 
to  Vienna  solely  for  the  purpose  of  allowing 
themselves  to  be  entertained  to  the  fullest  extent 
by  their  imperial  host  and  to  enjoy  new  festivi- 
ties daily. 

Tremendous  arrangements  had  been  made  in 
the  Burg  [Hofburg,  the  place  of  the  Hapsburgs 
in  Vienna]  for  this  hospitality;  it  cost  daily,  as 
it  was  said,  500,000  gulden  [$240,000].  Coffee 
was  cooked  in  nothing  less  than  enormous  brew- 
ing-kettles. Innumerable  cooks  were  in  action; 
above  all,  the  royal  stables  used  up  enormous 
sums,  as  a  carriage  was  kept  ready  for  use  for 
every  one  of  the  big  and  little  lords.  It  is  prob- 
able that  hospitality  has  never  been  practised 
on  a  greater  scale  than  at  that  time  by  the  Em- 
peror of  Austria.  Every  sovereign  found  him- 
self placed  so  that  he  could  not  miss  any  of  the 
comforts  of  his  own  court.  Quarters,  attendance, 
equipage — everything  was  imperial;  everything 
was  of  that  solid  pomp  such  as  appertains  to 


6        A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

the  princes  of  the  house  of  Austria  and  was  pos- 
sible only  through  the  extraordinary  wealth  not 
only  of  the  royal  house,  but  of  that  of  a  large 
number  of  private  persons.  The  Congress  is  said 
to  have  cost  the  court  of  Vienna  nearly  30,000,- 
000  gulden.  It  was  at  that  time  that  the  old 
Prince  de  Ligne  spoke  the  mot  that  has  become 
famous,  "Le  Congres  danse,  mais  il  ne  marche 
pas." 

So  long  as  the  Congress  was  so  idle  and  en- 
gaged solely  in  celebrating  and  in  dancing,  could 
any  one  think  ill  of  us  women  if  we  thought  of 
ourselves  as  the  principal  characters?  There  was 
festival  after  festival,  and  apparently  only  the 
most  prominent,  elegant,  and  youngest  men  and 
women  were  the  regular  participants;  whereas 
all  the  others  seemingl^  played  the  role  of  super- 
numeraries. 

Especially  amusing  was  the  mixture  of  all  sorts 
of  persons  who  thought  that  they  had  business 
at  the  Congress,  and  some  of  whom  actually  had 
been  sent  there  with  a  purpose,  if  not  to  transact 
business,  at  least  to  observe. 

We  saw  here  nobles  and  learned  men  who 
never  before  had  been  on  a  business  errand,  but 
who  now  considered  themselves  highly  important, 
and  in  this  belief  adopted  a  patronizing  attitude. 
There  were  professors  who  imagined  that  the 
Congress,  at  which  they  were  merely  spectators, 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  7 

was  grouped  about  their  academic  chairs;  but 
they  soon  went  about  at  a  loss,  complaining  that 
they  could  not  find  out  what  was  actually  going 
on.  Others,  naturally,  could  appear  only  as  pri- 
vate persons  because  they  hoped  to  act  in  secret. 
Many  a  philanthropist  carried  a  completed  con- 
stitution in  his  pocket;  but,  sad  to  relate,  it  did 
not  see  the  light  of  day. 

In  addition  to  this,  picture  to  yourself  the  nu- 
merous following  of  the  high  and  highest  per- 
sonages,— the  swarm  of  German  high  nobility, 
the  crowd  of  strangers  who  had  been  attracted 
by  the  great  drama, — and  you  will  be  able  to 
get  an  idea  of  the  scene  in  Vienna  at  the  begin- 
ning of  October. 

When  I  call  back  my  memory  of  the  crowned 
heads,  I  see  in  the  foreground  the  Russian  Czar, 
whose  story  has  always  attracted  me,  and  whose 
tragic  death  in  the  year  1825  affected  me  se- 
verely. His  splendid,  handsome,  knightly  ap- 
pearance, the  graciousness  of  his  actions,  would 
have  won  him  even  more  conquests  if  at  the  same 
time  there  had  not  been  a  sort  of  enigmatic  re- 
serve, something  gloomy  and  depressed,  in  his 
manner.  It  was  not  until  later  that  I  learned 
that  at  that  time  he  was  under  the  influence  of 
Madame  von  Krudener  [a  religious  enthusiast] 
and  believed  himself  the  liberator  and  benefactor 


8   A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

of  mankind,  and  therefore  found  himself  in- 
volved in  a  world  full  of  contradictions. 

Beside  him  appeared  King  Frederick  William 
III,  also  a  heroic  figure,  but  as  simple  and  manly 
and  unassuming  as  his  imperial  friend  was  daz- 
zling and  proud.  He  impressed  by  his  earnest 
military  attitude,  and  the  stiffness  and  strength 
in  his  expression  were  attributed  to  his  mourning 
for  his  deceased  queen  [Queen  Louise  of  Prus- 
sia]. 

From  these  two  I  turn  to  the  prince  who  stood 
first  in  our  hearts,  the  good  King  of  the  Danes, 
Frederick  VI.  With  some  apprehension  we 
looked  forward  to  his  appearance.  This  man, 
who  was  such  an  excellent  monarch,  suffered 
from  the  reputation,  not  wholly  unfounded,  of 
having  been  to  blame  for  the  misfortune  which 
followed  him  during  his  long  rule;  in  addition 
to  that  he  had  come  into  general  disfavor  by  his 
alliance  with  France.  Then  there  was  his  some- 
what repulsive  exterior,  but  the  modest  friendli- 
ness of  his  bearing,  his  gracious,  unpretentious 
attitude,  soon  won  him  all  hearts  and  assured  him 
honorable  recognition. 

There  remain  but  two  kings,  two  grand  dukes, 
and  three  dukes  for  me  to  describe.  I  have  but 
little  to  say  of  any  of  them.  King  Max  Joseph 
of  Bavaria  seemed  to  me  a  jovial,  good-hearted 
man;  the  King  of  Wiirtemberg,  Frederick,  a 


DAXCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  9 

very  stout,  comical  man;  and  Grand  Duke  Karl 
of  Baden  appeared  unprepossessing  and  was  un- 
communicative. The  Duke  of  Weimar,  Karl 
August,  was  by  reputation  most  accomplished 
and  a  patron  of  all  the  arts  and  sciences,  and 
soon  proved  himself  a  most  liberal-minded  prince. 
Duke  Frederick  William  of  Brunswick- Oels  ap- 
peared crowned  with  laurel,  but  in  a  not  very 
prepossessing  person,  with  a  somewhat  diffident 
manner  that  was  not  at  all  taking.  Duke  Ernst 
of  Coburg,  on  the  other  hand,  made  a  vain  pre- 
tense to  good  looks.  The  prejudice  that  he  was 
still  secretly  a  friend  of  the  French  was  held 
against  Duke  Frederick  William  of  Xassau- 
Weilburg,  a  most  cultivated  and  agreeable  man. 
The  heir  apparent,  Leopold  of  Dessau,  and  his 
brother  George  were  youthful  spectators  in 
Vienna. 

The  two  crown  princes  of  Bavaria  and  Wiir- 
temberg  were  almost  enemies.  The  crown  prince 
of  Wiirtemberg  was  married  to  Charlotte,  sec- 
ond daughter  of  the  King  of  Bavaria,  and  was 
now  engaged  in  obtaining  a  divorce  in  order  to 
marry  his  first  love,  the  Grand  Duchess  Kath- 
erine  Pavlovna,  who  since  1812  had  been  the 
widowed  Duchess  George  of  Oldenberg.  This 
led  to  a  sort  of  personal  rivalry  between  the  two 
in  Vienna. 

The  Princes  William  [youngest  brother  of  the 


10      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

King  of  Prussia]  and  August  [brother  of  Prince 
Louis  Ferdinand]  of  Prussia  conducted  them- 
selves well  and  in  a  dignified  manner.  Prince 
William  of  Holstein-Beck, nephew  of  the  King  of 
Denmark,  was  an  attractive,  pleasing,  quiet  man 
who  longed  too  much  to  be  back  at  the  cradle  of 
his  children.  Prince  Leopold  of  Sicily,  later  al- 
ways called  Prince  of  Salerno  [the  youngest  son 
of  the  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  Ferdinand  I], 
whose  good-heartedness  shone  through  an  ugly 
countenance,  and  who  had  the  reputation  of  be- 
ing very  learned,  was  nevertheless  the  terror  of 
all  the  women  because  of  his  bear-like  dancing. 
The  archdukes  appeared  not  only  with  the  great- 
est modesty,  but,  because  of  natural  diffidence, 
kept  as  much  as  possible  in  the  background.  I 
made  no  sort  of  acquaintance  with  most  of  them. 
Of  the  many  brothers  of  Emperor  Francis  [of 
Austria]  I  call  to  mind  only  Archduke  John  and 
Archduke  Karl,  the  victor  of  Aspern,  whom  we 
regarded  with  a  great  deal  of  interest  despite 
his  ugliness;  at  different  times  he  exchanged  a 
few  friendly  words  with  me. 

Archduke  Ferdinand  of  Este,  the  youngest 
brother  of  the  third  consort  of  Emperor  Francis, 
Marie  Louise  Beatrice  of  Modena,  was  the  only 
dancer  among  the  archdukes,  a  most  polite  and 
agreeable  man.  He  was  a  grandson  of  the  Em- 
press Maria  Theresa ;  his  father,  Ferdinand,  had 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  11 

married  the  heiress  of  the  house  of  Este,  Beatrice, 
and  was  the  first  Duke  of  Modena  in  the  house 
of  Austria.  Of  the  archduke  heir  apparent,  Fer- 
dinand, all  sorts  of  interesting  stories  were  told. 

A  member  of  the  Berlin  court,  the  gracious 
Prince  Anthony  Radziwill,  I  will  not  omit  men- 
tioning here.  Even  if  he  had  no  part  in  the  trans- 
actions of  the  Congress,  yet  he  contributed  in 
great  measure  to  the  entertainment,  and  I  will 
have  much  to  tell  about  him  later  on.  His  rela- 
tive, the  charming  Prince  Adam  Czartoryski, 
friend  of  Czar  Alexander,  had  an  entirely  differ- 
ent place  at  the  Congress.  Quiet,  and  keeping  to 
himself,  he  appeared  but  little  at  the  festivities, 
but  tried  all  the  more  energetically  to  act  for 
the  best  interests  of  his  people.  His  physiog- 
nomy, his  whole  being,  drew  me  toward  him,  and 
with  interest  and  sorrow  I  followed  his  career. 
Pozzo  di  Borgo,  St.  Marsan,  Anstetten,  Pal- 
mella,  Dalberg — these  all  are  names  of  the  great 
diplomats  whom  I  saw  with  interest  in  these 
times. 

Baron  von  Stein  played  an  important  part  at 
the  Congress  by  the  force  of  his  personality,  even 
if  he  was  not  actively  attached  to  it.  He  stood 
as  a  colossus  of  the  firmest  will  and  immovable 
self-sufficiency,  and  many  eyes  regarded  him 
thankfully  and  hopefully.  Baron  Hans  von 


12      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Gagern,  the  representative  of  the  Netherlands, 
was  a  character  of  an  entirely  different  sort. 

It  was  at  the  home  of  Prince  Metternich,  the 
chief  of  the  statesmen,  that  we  first  had  our  view 
of  this  colorful  world.  It  was  on  October  2, 
even  before  the  arrival  of  the  sovereigns,  that  we 
found  assembled  there  every  one  who  had  been 
called  hither  by  the  Congress.  Our  host  gave  up 
trying  to  make  every  one  in  the  crowd  known 
to  one  another,  and  tired  of  asking  questions,  I 
awaited  time  and  opportunity  to  make  me  ac- 
quainted with  these  new  guests.  The  remark- 
ably confiding  address  of  a  young  German  be- 
came most  annoying  to  me ;  his  impolite  advance 
drove  me  more  and  more  into  a  corner,  until  I 
found  myself  between  a  console  and  the  aggress- 
ive stranger. 

Finally  I  gave  an  answer  that  made  him  pon- 
der, and  which  freed  me  from  his  unwelcome 
presence.  He  had  expressed  his  astonishment 
that  I  spoke  German  so  well  and  did  not  prefer 
Hungarian;  but  upon  learning  that  I  could  not 
speak  Hungarian  and  was  not  a  Hungarian,  he 
hurriedly  left  me  in  order  to  ask  my  name.  As 
I  did  the  same,  I  learned  that  the  man  who  was 
returning  to  me  was  the  Crown  Prince  of  Ba- 
varia. This  knowledge,  however,  could  not  lead 
me  to  forgive  his  conduct,  no  matter  how  great 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  13 

the  compliment  when  he  told  me  that  he  had 
taken  me  for  Julia  Zichy  [a  famous  beauty  of 
the  Congress]..  He  now  expressed  his  astonish- 
ment at  my  German  speech,  since  he  considered 
me  Danish,  and  no  matter  how  I  fought  this 
view,  for  as  a  native  of  Holstein  I  could  and 
wished  to  think  of  myself  as  German,  he  did 
not  desist  from  the  idea  he  had  formed,  and 
afterward  twitted  me  again  and  again  with  the 
peculiarities  of  the  Danish  women,  their  reserve, 
etc. 

But  why  do  I  tarry  to  describe  such  unimpor- 
tant things  before  telling  about  the  actual  open- 
ing of  this  great  epoch,  the  entry  of  the  mon- 
archs?  We  saw  them  from  the  windows  of  a 
house  that  the  court  chamberlain  had  leased  ad- 
joining the  Burg  for  the  prince  of  Holstein- 
Beck,  who  accompanied  our  king.  At  first  Czar 
Alexander  and  King  Frederick  William  [of 
Prussia]  entered  on  horseback,  and  between  them 
rode  Emperor  Francis,  who  had  gone  out  to 
greet  them.  This  procession  was  led  by  the 
richly  caparisoned  noble  guard  of  the  Hunga- 
rians, with  Prince  Esterhazy  at  their  head,  attired 
in  the  uniform  of  a  magnate,  the  value  of  which 
was  said  to  be  several  million  gulden.  The  pearl 
pendants  on  his  boots  and  the  aigrette  of  gems 
in  his  head-gear  are  famous.  The  impression 
which  the  prince  and  princess  made  on  the  popu- 


14      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

lace  was  far  different  from  what  had  been  ex- 
pected. 

The  noble,  refined  bearing  of  J£ing  Frederick 
William  and  his  manly  earnestness  won  him  gen- 
eral applause,  which  he  neither  sought  nor  de- 
sired. Alexander,  on  the  other  hand,  was  unable 
to  win  the  Viennese  public  away  from  him  [Fred- 
erick William]  either  at  this  time  or  later,  and 
even  to  me  there  was  something  about  his  over- 
friendly  attitude  and  solicitous  greeting  that  did 
not  please  me.  The  King  of  Prussia  appeared 
altogether  too  serious,  but  the  natural  and  easy 
bearing  and  well-intentioned  friendliness  of  my 
own  Emperor  Francis  pleased  me  best  of  all. 

A  few  days  later  Emperor  Francis  also  went 
out  to  meet  our  good  King  Frederick  [of  Den- 
mark] and  this  time  in  a  carriage.  I  was  con- 
cerned not  a  little  when  I  found  that  the  unat- 
tractiveness  of  our  monarch  was  increased  by  a 
rash,  which  was  due  to  the  heat  experienced  on 
the  journey;  nevertheless  the  good  Viennese 
public  here  expressed  that  favor  which  it  always 
demonstrated  toward  the  Danish  King. 

The  September  sun  shone  down  on  this  spec- 
tacle. On  October  1  a  splendid  concert  opened 
the  great  festivities  at  the  Burg.  In  the  riding- 
school,  which  had  been  converted  into  an  audi- 
torium, five  hundred  voices  sang  Handel's  great 
oratorio  "Samson."  Later  his  "Festival  of  Alex- 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  15 

ander"  was  performed  in  the  same  manner.  A 
few  days  later  the  same  riding-school  was  the 
scene  of  a  bal  pare,  of  which  the  extraordinary 
feature  was  not  only  a  great  number  of  beau- 
tifully attired  women  and  men  bedecked  with 
orders,  but  especially  the  tremendous  dimensions 
of  that  hall. 

After  strolling  through  the  ball-rooms,  one 
perceived  a  truly  magnificent  spectacle  on  the 
landing  of  a  large  staircase.  From  this  galleries 
extended  around  the  upper  part  of  the  hall, 
where  the  concerts  had  been  given.  In  the  place 
of  windows  were  seen  enormous  mirrors  in  which 
sparkled  the  reflection  from  a  hundred  thousand 
lights.  The  staircase,  dividing  to  two  sides,  led 
down  to  the  splendid  parquet  of  the  lower  hall 
along  the  walls  of  which  were  rows  of  seats  as 
in  an  amphitheater.  Blinded,  almost  dizzy,  I  re- 
mained a  few  moments  above,  and  then  viewed 
from  below  the  dazzling  procession  which,  com- 
prising the  numerous  court  of  Vienna  united  with 
all  the  foreign  courts,  descended  the  stairs. 
There  was  dancing,  but  for  the  most  part  the 
time  was  passed  in  gazing  about  this  new,  strange 
world  and  in  asking  about  this  or  that  striking 
personage.  At  this  affair  I  saw  the  Prince  Witt- 
genstein for  the  first  time. 

After  eight  or  fourteen  days  a  new  festival  was 
given  in  this  hall,  a  masked  ball,  which,  however, 


16      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

most  of  the  participants,  including  myself,  at- 
tended without  costume.  I  recall  with  pleasure 
a  beautiful  group  of  twenty-four  attractive  Vien- 
nese women.  They  represented  the  four  ele- 
ments in  groups  of  six  each.  The  youngest  and 
most  delicate  figures  had  been  chosen  to  repre- 
sent the  air ;  they  were  dressed  in  the  filmiest  veil- 
ing. The  nymphs  of  the  sea  were  richly  deco- 
rated with  pearls  and  corals,  and  the  spectator 
missed  none  of  their  charms.  For  fire  scrupulous 
care  with  regard  to  age  had  been  taken,  and 
therefore  our  friend,  the  Princess  Kaunitz,  had 
a  place  among  the  sextet  that  she  filled  most 
worthily.  Her  eyes  seemed  to  burn  in  competi- 
tion with  the  costume,  which  was  the  color  of  fire, 
and  I  seemed  to  become  heated  when  this  sala- 
mander brood  passed  by.  Behind  them,  with 
heavy  tread,  came  six  well-proportioned  matrons, 
bedecked  with  jewels  and  gold  and  other  costly 
products  of  the  earth,  each  of  these  worthily  rep- 
resenting Mother  Earth.  On  their  heads  they 
wore  little  gold  baskets  laden  so  heavily  with  the 
fruit  of  autumn  that  the  forehead  of  one  of  them 
bled  under  the  bandeau  to  which  the  baskets  were 
fastened.  It  seemed  to  me  that  the  joy  of  the 
moment  was  too  dearly  bought  by  this  drop  of 
blood. 

We  had  been  cautious  enough  to  remain  away 
from  an  enormous  popular  festival  in  the  Augar- 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  17 

ten.  We  were  told  no  end  of  things  about  the 
crowd  that  had  gathered  there;  it  had  been  so 
unusual  that  many  of  the  most  prominent  women 
came  home  with  torn  clothes,  and  later  missed 
many  of  their  gems.  The  Princess  Colloredo, 
who  is  inclined  to  be  stout,  not  only  had  her  skirt 
torn  from  her  in  the  crowd,  but  even  her  sleeves.1 

In  a  large  hall  built  of  boards  for  this  occasion, 
and  which  adjoined  the  pavilion  erected  by  Em- 
peror Joseph  II,  the  famous,  and  at  that  time 
already  aged,  Admiral  Sidney  Smith  [born 
1764;  died  1840]  later  gave  an  affair  for  the 
benefit  of  the  negro  slaves,  and  invited  all  sover- 
eigns, with  their  following,  and  the  mightiest  and 
the  least  powerful  of  the  princes  to  a  dinner.  It 
was  known  in  advance  that  he  was  prepared  to 
give  tremendous  speeches  in  which  he  would  plead 
in  behalf  of  the  slaves,  and  would  propose  to 
have  the  Congress  unanimously  adopt  a  resolu- 
tion to  abolish  the  slave-trade.  I  do  not  recall 
whether  he  started  a  collection  for  them  at  table 
or  whether  the  ball  that  followed,  to  which  every 
invited  gentleman  had  been  asked  to  bring  a 
partner,  was  a  picnic  or  paid  for  from  the  purse 
of  Sidney  Smith. 

It  is  thoroughly  impressed  on  my  memory, 
however,  that  with  the  Russian  delegate,  the 

1  Another  version  of  this  public  festival  in  the  Augarten  is  told 
by  the  Count  de  la  Garde,  who  ostensibly  suffered  no  such  dis- 
ability. 


18      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Countess  Stackelberg,  born  Countess  Ludolf, 
with  whom  I  had  made  an  appointment,  I  over- 
looked the  correct  hour,  and  arrived  while  the 
men  were  still  dining.  We  had  ourselves  directed 
quickly  into  the  vacant  ball-room,  and  pleaded 
that  our  premature  arrival  be  not  announced. 
Czar  Alexander,  however,  learned  of  it,  and 
glad,  perhaps,  of  an  opportunity  to  avoid  the 
endless  speeches  of  his  host,  and  perhaps  also  in 
order  to  enjoy  our  embarrassment,  persuaded  the 
King  of  Denmark  to  pay  his  respects  to  his  part- 
ner— who  was  myself — at  once.  The  czar  arose 
from  dinner,  and  the  retinue  of  both  monarchs 
did  the  same.  Shrinking  in  a  corner  behind  a 
pillar,  we  heard  the  approaching  steps  and  the 
clatter  of  sabers,  and  to  our  horror  saw  the  king, 
led  by  the  czar,  enter  our  large  hall,  look  sharply 
for  us,  and  then  hasten  toward  us.  We  heard  the 
czar  joke  about  the  impatience  of  his  royal 
brother,  who  wished  to  thank  the  woman  of  his 
choice  for  the  alacrity  with  which  she  had  re- 
sponded to  his  call.  Then  he  grasped  my  hand 
with  a  great  display  of  courtesy,  and  kissed  the 
large  spot  where  unhappily  a  tear  in  my  glove 
exposed  my  hand. 

This  intimacy  almost  confounded  me,  as  it  was 
wholly  unexpected,  coming  from  him.  I  was  not 
present  at  the  first  reception,  at  which  all  the 
Viennese  women  were  presented  to  him,  and 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  19 

therefore  had  remained  a  stranger  to  him  until 
now.  This  awkward  omission  had  left  him  and 
me  both  ill  at  ease,  and  until  this  time  he  had 
not  known  how  to  make  my  acquaintance.  At  a 
ball  of  the  Countess  Zichy  it  happened  that  I 
danced  opposite  him  in  a  "tempete"  known  as 
"Figaro,"  and  at  every  posture  he  gave  me  the 
compliment  that  belonged  to  the  dance,  but  was 
no  longer  used,  and  probably  forty  times  I  had 
to  acknowledge  his  unusually  low  and  respect- 
ful bow.  At  another  time — the  great  crowds 
found  at  all  private  functions  excused  it — it  hap- 
pened that  I  brushed  the  round  back  of  this  great 
lord  somewhat  roughly,  and  my  glance  asking 
for  forgiveness — interrupted  shortly  after  by 
those  coming  between  us — won  a  most  friendly 
greeting  from  him.  After  such  pantomimic 
greetings  my  first  humorous  conversation  was 
doubly  painful,  and  my  mischievous  husband, 
who  came  in  the  retinue  of  the  king  [of  Den- 
mark] and  stood  near  by,  hugely  enjoyed  my 
discomfiture. 

Happily  this  little  scene  was  soon  terminated 
by  the  arrival  of  a  number  of  women  and  by  the 
request  of  the  host  that  the  great  lords  respect- 
fully return  to  the  table.  This  host  was  con- 
spicuously active.  He  was  a  little  man,  slightly 
deformed,  whose  rather  generous  proportions 
proved  an  advantage,  since  it  meant  much  for 


20      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

him  to  bedeck  himself  with  his  innumerable  or- 
ders. He  did  not  wear  them  with  the  ribbons, 
as  is  ordinarily  done,  but  suspended  by  their 
chains,  of  which  it  is  customary  to  wear  only  one 
on  great  occasions.  In  order  to  wear  a  great 
many  at  one  time,  he  had  hung  them  on  white 
silk  sashes  fastened  at  the  shoulder.  As,  how- 
ever, this  method  did  not  suffice,  and  he  did  not 
wish  to  offend  any  of  those  present  who  had 
given  him  decorations,  he  varied  his  display 
hourly  until  all  had  been  exhibited.  This  and 
many  another  idiosyncrasy  of  the  good  Sidney 
Smith  caused  a  jolly  air  to  pervade  the  assembly, 
and  as  the  spacious  halls  easily  accommodated 
the  crowd,  the  dancing  gave  real  novel  pleasure. 
For  the  first  time  the  crowd  enjoyed  the  polo- 
naise; we  marched  up  and  down  the  stairs  and 
through  the  galleries,  and  altogether  this  made 
a  charming  spectacle. 

On  October  18,  in  commemoration  of  the  bat- 
tle of  the  nations,  the  great  new  hall  of  wood 
on  the  speedway,  adjoining  the  country  home  of 
Prince  Metternich,  was  dedicated.  It  had  been 
built  in  the  summer,  for  the  opening  of  the  Con- 
gress had  been  expected  earlier,  and  Count 
Fuchs,  husband  of  the  gracious  Laura,  had  asked 
at  that  time  where  he  might  procure  tickets  for 
the  loges  from  which  he  meant  to  view  this  spec- 
tacle. This  event,  the  outcome  of  which  was 


feared  by  those  who  recalled  the  terrible  fire  at 
the  Schwarzberger  fete  in  Paris  on  July  1,  1810, 
was  wholly  successful. 

The  strictest  precautions  against  fire  had  been 
taken.  All  draperies  had  been  omitted  from  the 
large  decorations  of  a  noble  sort.  A  row  of 
pillars  that  encircled  the  hall  formed  a  series 
of  anterooms  in  which  we  could  refresh  ourselves. 
Along  these  pillars,  inside  the  dance-hall,  were 
rows  with  comfortable  seats  for  the  women,  and 
countless  lamps  made  the  night  like  day.  From 
the  anterooms  broad  steps,  which  were  heated, 
led  to  the  large  halls  below  ground,  where  a 
bounteous  supper  was  served.  The  heat  was 
hardly  needed,  for  pleasant,  summer-like  weather 
favored  the  festival  so  much  that  when,  like  all 
good  things  on  earth,  it  reached  its  close,  and  the 
crush  for  carriages  was  so  tremendous  that  we 
had  to  wait  hours  for  them,  the  wait  on  the  steps 
of  the  landing  did  not  have  the  discomforts  of  a 
cool  night. 

I  shall  never  forget  the  original  and  beautiful 
appearance  of  this  scene.  Think  of  a  stairway, 
almost  as  high  as  a  house,  covered  with  red  cloth, 
canopied  with  Turkish  tents,  and  lighted  by 
bright  pitch  torches,  on  which  camped  a  large 
part  of  the  company,  wrapped  in  cloaks,  with 
chairs  placed  on  the  upper  steps  for  the  women, 
among  whom  I  was  included.  Thus  I  waited 


22      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

until  early  dawn  for  the  arrival  of  my  carriage. 
My  husband,  who  felt  indisposed,  had  left  early 
for  home,  and  had  entrusted  me  to  the  care  of 
his  brother,  Joachim. 

A  number  of  weeks  later  Prince  Metternich 
issued  invitations  to  a  costume  ball  in  order  to 
utilize  the  splendid  building  once  more  before 
the  breaking-up  of  the  Congress.  No  one  cared 
to  think  that  it  was  going  to  close  soon.  In 
honor  of  the  exalted  host  and  his  royal  master, 
the  guests  agreed  to  appear  in  the  folk  costume 
of  the  various  countries  and  provinces  that  were 
united  under  the  scepter  of  Austria.  It  was 
necessary  not  only  to  choose  a  costume,  but  to 
join  a  quadrille  or  to  form  one.  I  decided  in 
favor  of  the  latter  method,  and  was  pleased  when 
my  dear  Henriette  Schladen,  her  friend,  the 
beautiful  Therese  Wrbna,  and  the  attractive 
Marie  Huegel  joined  me.  We  all  had  figures 
that  were  very  much  alike  and  appeared  in  most 
colorful  Transylvanian  costumes,  which  fitted 
our  partners  even  better  than  us.  Baron  Karl 
von  Huegel,  later  the  famous  traveler,  was  one 
of  these  men;  I  had  chosen  Baron  William  Ham- 
merstein  for  my  dancing  partner;  the  others  I 
do  not  recall.  I  well  remember  the  impatience 
with  which  I,  attired  long  before,  awaited  the 
coming  of  the  ladies,  who  were  to  call  for  me 
and  who  were  to  be  accompanied  by  the  carriage 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  23 

containing  our  escorts.  At  last,  at  the  stroke 
of  nine,  they  were  at  my  door,  and  it  was  eleven 
before  we  neared  the  scene  of  so  much  splendor, 
of  which  much  was  lost  to  us  by  this  long  trip. 
The  road  to  our  destination,  which  usually  could 
be  traversed  in  a  quarter  of  an  hour  at  most,  was 
blocked  by  so  many  carriages  that  we  might  well 
be  thankful  for  having  arrived  without  injury. 

A  dazzling  carousal  in  the  imperial  riding- 
academy  closed  the  series  of  the  great  fetes  of  the 
Congress  before  the  coming  of  advent.  In  pri- 
vate homes,  however,  many  social  affairs  and 
theatrical  performances  still  took  place.  Very 
pleasing  comedies  were  played  at  the  home  of 
the  Princess  Bagration,  and  she  herself  danced 
the  national  dance  of  her  fatherland  in  Russian 
costume  with  a  grace  and  naturalness  that  is 
rarely  seen  in  a  woman  of  society.  In  the  Arn- 
stein  home  we  viewed  an  exhibit  of  wax  figures, 
performed  by  living  persons,  some  of  them  very 
handsome. 

The  houses  of  the  Jewish  bankers  Arnstein 
and  Eskeles  were  the  meeting-places  of  many 
friends,  mainly  Prussians.  New  faces  were  con- 
tinually seen  there,  partly  because  travelers  came 
and  went  without  interruption,  and  also  because 
it  proved  impossible  to  become  acquainted  with 
all  members  of  the  Congress  and  not  even  with 
the  retinues  of  the  sovereigns  in  their  entirety. 


24      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

We  women  learned  to  know  only  such  as  were 
enabled  by  their  position  and  rank  to  take  part 
in  the  polonaise. 

The  Russians  obtruded  their  presence  every- 
where with  their  characteristic  boldness;  espe- 
cally  General  Tschernitscheff  placed  emphasis 
upon  playing  an  important  role,  and  he  succeeded 
ably.  The  French,  on  the  contrary,  kept  in  the 
background.  The  Prussians  had  tact  enough  to 
mingle  but  sparingly  amid  so-called  elegant  so- 
ciety. Even  if  they  were  not  actually  clumsy, 
they  were  still  too  good  and  too  matter  of  fact 
for  society.  I  remember  that  I  frequently 
danced  a  polonaise  with  Col.  Count  Schwerin, 
who  died  only  too  soon  afterward  at  Ligny,  and 
with  whose  widow  I  became  well  acquainted 
later.  I  was  greatly  pleased  at  his  simple  Ger- 
man good-heartedness.  I  waltzed  with  the  Prince 
of  Hohenzollern  and  also  with  Brauchitsch,  who 
even  at  that  time  seemed  to  regard  me  as  almost 
a  compatriot  of  his. 

There  were  many  hosts  in  the  city;  Prince 
Metternich  and  Prince  Trautmannsdorff  were 
the  most  active  entertainers.  Even  the  ambassa- 
dors and  delegates  to  the  Congress  did  not  allow 
a  dearth  of  invitations.  My  old  patron  and 
uncle  on  my  father's  side,  the  chancellor,  Prince 
Hardenberg  [of  Prussia],  usually  arranged 
things  so  that  I  sat  beside  him,  and  knew  how 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  25 

to  make  the  time  fly  for  me  by  his  charming  con- 
versation. He  succeeded  more  or  less  in  mak- 
ing me  forget  what  I  had  heard  about  his  present 
affairs  in  Berlin  and  about  his  past.  He  spoke 
often  and  gladly  about  himself,  his  longing  for 
a  comfortable  domesticity,  and  lamented  the  fate 
that  had  always  deprived  him  of  it.  Humboldt 
was  true  to  his  old  practice,  and  offered  me  his 
arm  whenever  an  occasion  presented  itself. 
Sometimes  it  happened  that  I  was  escorted  by 
total  strangers  and  was  seated  beside  total 
strangers.  Then  I  asked  the  names  of  my  neigh- 
bors, first  to  the  right  and  then  to  the  left.  This 
happened  in  the  first  days,  when  I  was  placed 
between.  Lord  Aberdeen  and  Prince  Radziwill, 
with  whom  I  began  at  that  time  an  acquaintance 
that  was  to  be  greatly  strengthened  in  Berlin. 
His  cheerful  disposition  and  Polish  grace,  his 
German  true-heartedness  and  Polish  versatility, 
appeared  to  such  advantage  that  his  whole  being 
must  please  in  the  world  outside  and  charm  in 
his  home.  He  seemed  to  be  a  kindly  father. 
Everything — even  his  making  a  noise  with  the 
skin  of  the  grape,  which  he  could  not  keep  from 
doing  below  the  table — reminded  him  of  the  dear 
little  ones  to  whom  he  introduced  me  in  his  stories. 
Gentz,  the  famous  statesman  and  Metternich's 
right  hand  and  pen,  also  invited  us  often  to  the 
most  exclusive  little  dinners,  made  exclusive  by 


26      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

the  society  with  which  he  knew  how  to  surround 
himself,  and  exclusive  also  by  the  delicacies  which 
he  caused  to  be  gathered  from  east,  west,  north, 
and  south.  The  entrance  to  his  house  was  in  a 
horrible  condition:  the  entrance  to  the  court 
seemed  likely  to  break  one's  neck ;  the  house  door 
was  so  low  that  it  threatened  to  destroy  my  head- 
dress ;  the  stairs,  steep  and  dark,  did  not  disclose 
to  what  quarters  in  the  house  they  led.  In  these 
little  rooms  was  heaped  up  everything  that  riches, 
taste,  and  the  most  refined  elegance  knew  how  to 
discover.  The  senses  of  sight  and  smell  and  the 
desire  for  comfort  were  all  flattered.  The  host 
on  this  occasion  exhibited  his  graciousness,  and  I 
rarely  attended  gatherings  in  which  cheerfulness 
and  wit,  common  sense  and  culture  were  mingled 
in  such  an  absorbing  manner  and  where  every  one 
amused  himself  and  the  company  in  such  an 
unusual  way. 

Once  the  number  of  guests  surpassed  the  num- 
ber of  places  that  he  had  ready  for  them.  There- 
fore the  table  was  enlarged  to  such  an  extent 
that  the  servants  could  no  longer  go  around  it, 
making  it  necessary  for  the  serving  to  take  place 
through  three  double  doors,  which  had  been  re- 
moved. 

I  recall  that  on  another  occasion  I  was  pre- 
pared in  advance  for  a  meeting  with  an  old  Ber- 
lin acquaintance  of  my  husband  at  the  dinner  of 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  27 

Gentz,  namely,  Rahel  Varnhagen,  at  that  time 
still  called  the  "little  Levy."  I  recall  that  I 
greeted  her  with  condescension,  and  then  paid  no 
more  attention  to  this  person,  who  was  not  espe- 
cially favored  by  nature ;  for  I  found  more  pleas- 
ure in  listening  to  the  ghost-stories  that  were  be- 
ing told  at  the  table  at  this  moment.  Imagine 
my  astonishment  in  the  summer  of  1833  when  I 
found  this  dinner  mentioned  in  the  book  "Rahel," 
and  discovered  that  I  had  been  invited  princi- 
pally to  meet  her.  The  reference  was  to  this 
effect : 

"VIENNA,  December  7,  1814. 

"Gentz  wrote  me  to  postpone  the  engagement,  as  the 
ladies  that  he  had  invited  on  my  behalf  had  to  partici- 
pate in  tableaux  at  court.  He  left  me  to  choose  whether 
I  wished  to  dine  with  him  without  the  Countesses  Bern- 
storff  and  Fuchs,  or  on  Monday  with  them.  I  chose 
the  latter  because  I  wanted  to  see  both  as  matadores 
of  graciousness.  Gentz  discovered  this.  Countess 
Fuchs  is  the  sister  of  the  Countess  Plettenberg,  and  all 
my  men  folk  are  in  love  with  her.  Countess  Bernstorff 
is  the  wife  of  Count  Christian,  and  I  have  seen  a  most 
charmingly  innocent  letter  of  hers,  so  absolutely  dis- 
creet that  she  seems  singular  to  me." 

It  intrigued  me  a  great  deal  to  learn  which  of 
my  letters  might  have  come  to  her  knowledge, 


28      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

ancf  my  dear  husband  enjoyed  the  expression, 
"absolutely  discreet." 

As  I  have  gone  into  the  subject  of  the  dinners, 
I  will  tell  about  those  that  I  remember  most 
vividly.  One  took  place  at  the  home  of  the 
newly  married  Count  and  Countess  Munster 
[Count  Munster,  delegate  representing  the  Eng- 
lish-Hanoverian interests,  was  married  in  1814 
to  Wilhelmine,  Countess  of  Schaumburg-Lippe]. 
Joachim  also  had  been  invited.  We  had  been 
well  received,  and  during  the  dinner  we  listened 
to  the  half -humorous,  half-serious  observations  of 
Pozzo  di  Borgo,  the  interesting  Corsican,  who 
was  already  a  famous  statesman  in  the  Russian 
service  at  that  time. 

At  the  second  of  these  dinners  I  \vas  not  so 
much  at  home,  for  our  host,  Talleyrand,  received 
me  alone  in  place  of  a  hostess.  I  remained  the 
sole  woman  present  because  his  niece,  the  lovely 
Dorothea  [Princess  of  Courland,  whose  husband 
was  the  Prince  Edmond  Talleyrand-Perigord], 
had  suddenly  become  ill.  I  could  not  get  to  feel 
comfortable;  I  have  no  praise  for  the  world- 
famous  graciousness  of  the  host,  perhaps  because 
he  speaks  very  softly,  and  I  can  hear  his  words 
only  with  great  difficulty.  His  external  appear- 
ance antagonizes  me;  his  stern  features,  from 
which  sparks  of  understanding  flash  almost 
against  his  will,  and  in  which  one  seeks  vainly  for 


DAXCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  29 

any  sign  of  feeling  or  of  pleasure  and  compla- 
cency, are  horrible  to  me,  and  when  my  affrighted 
glance  measures  him,  I  become  repulsed  at  the 
sight  of  his  club-foot,  which  reminds  me  of  my 
godfather.  It  was  once  said  of  Talleyrand  that 
he  was  actually  kindly,  and  that  if  the  character- 
istics which  resulted  from  contact  with  the  world 
and  the  contradictions  of  his  being  were  not  taken 
into  account,  he  was  not  bad;  whereupon  "R.' 
remarked:  "I  believe  it.  He  does  not  need  to 
be  bad;  nature  has  done  this  for  him." 

It  is  time  that  I  bring  my  narrative  of  the  din- 
ners to  a  close  with  the  remark  that  we  also 
found  it  appropriate  to  entertain  our  king.  He 
showed  us  the  favor  of  dining  with  us  three  times, 
and  you  may  well  believe  that  we  did  everything 
our  household  would  allow  to  give  these  dinners 
a  festive  appearance,  though  in  these  efforts  lay 
many  discomforts  and  petty  and  larger  sacrifices. 
A  number  of  cooks  were  added,  the  table  service 
was  augmented,  largely  from  Count  Schulen- 
burg,  my  husband's  colleague,  servants  were 
hired,  and,  worst  of  all,  I  had  to  clear  my  bed- 
room each  time;  for  this,  decorated  in  red  dam- 
ask, became  the  reception-room.  High  person- 
ages were  invited  as  guests,  but  what  I  regret 
most  is  that  no  women  were  invited.  And  yet 
the  good  king  seemed  glad  to  be  with  us. 

A  slight  cold,  which  made  my  wish  for  the  quiet 


30      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

of  my  houshold  more  acute,  had  kept  me  in  the 
house  for  several  weeks.  Out  of  my  windows 
in  the  meantime  I  observed  a  ceremony  which 
was  unique  of  its  kind,  and  intended  by  the  wit 
of  the  Congress  as  the  last  and  newest  drama 
for  its  members.  It  was  the  funeral  of  a  field 
marshal,  that  of  the  wit  himself,  the  old  Prince 
de  Ligne,  who  closed  his  career  on  December  17, 
1814 — an  active  and  eventful  career  full  of 
achievements,  the  manifestations  of  which  we  fol- 
lowed through  several  generations.  A  gentle 
death  closed  with  a  friendly  hand  his  long  and 
happy  life.  Surrounded  by  the  numerous  mem- 
bers of  his  family, — children,  grandchildren, 
and  adult  great-grandchildren, — he  died  a  pious 
Catholic.  His  wit  remained  faithful  to  him  until 
the  last  moment,  for  when  he  saw  his  wife  weep- 
ing in  a  corner  of  the  room  he  said  in  a  moved 
voice:  "Ah,  voila  le  perroquet  qui  pleure!  Pauvre 
perroquet!"  ["Ah,  there  is  a  parrot  that  weeps! 
Poor  parrot!"]  A  kindly  father  and  grand- 
father and  a  careless  husband,  it  must  be  con- 
fessed, he  had  always  been.  He  and  his  wife,  who 
really  resembled  a  parrot,  had  led  a  married  life 
like  innumerable  other  lives  in  the  world:  they 
had  gone  through  a  long  life  together  without 
hate  and  without  love  for  each  other.  Despite 
all  that,  I  liked  the  old  hero ;  I  realized  this  when 
I  beheld  his  shabby  old  hat  in  the  middle  of  all 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  31 

the  pomp  of  his  funeral.  That  moved  me  truly, 
for  one  will  not  soon  meet  a  more  spirited  and 
harmlessly  witty  character  than  this  noble,  splen- 
did old  man.  This  I  said  to  myself  with  sincere 
feeling. 

I  speak  here  of  the  Prince  de  Ligne  as  the  wit 
of  the  exalted  gathering,  and  it  was  his  wit  which 
amused  all,  but  Lord  Stewart  amused  them 
often,  even  if  in  an  entirely  different  manner  and 
always  unconsciously  and  in  a  way  rather  un- 
worthy of  him.  The  reputation  of  being  a  hero, 
which  was  well  deserved,  had  preceded  him. 
Even  his  appearance  was  taking,  for  he  was  at- 
tractive, and  made  a  stately  appearance  in  his 
red  uniform  of  the  hussars,  and  the  one  eye  that 
was  continually  moist  gave  him  a  rather  senti- 
mental, but  not  disfiguring,  look.  This  favorable 
impression  was  soon  obliterated  by  his  aversion, 
which  was  disclosed  more  and  more.  Stewart's 
elder  brother,  the  prime  minister,  Lord  Castle- 
reagh,  possessed  a  natural  urbanity  which  stood 
in  favorable  contrast  to  the  unscrupulousness  of 
his  brother.  He  was  often  accused  of  deception, 
but  did  not  deserve  this  accusation;  his  character 
was  one  of  frank  true-heartedness  and  upright- 
ness. 

His  lack  of  firmness,  his  too  great  readiness  to 
make  concessions,  often  gave  his  political  meth- 
ods the  appearance  of  deceit.  I  have  found  that 


32      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

only  too  often  weakness  is  regarded  as  deception. 
In  the  world  of  elegance  he  was  not  forgiven  the 
youthfulness  and  the  cheerfulness  with  which  he 
personally  opened  the  ball  after  dinner  at  his 
soirees.  But  I,  however,  danced  gladly  with  the 
happy  statesman,  because  I  was  glad  not  to  find 
the  lassitude  and  boredom  which  usually  distin- 
guishes men  of  the  world*,  and  which  unhappily 
has  come  to  be  the  fashion  among  many  young 
men  in  our  own  day. 

The  love  of  amusement  and  dancing  was 
manifest  with  renewed  energy  at  the  beginning 
of  the  carnival.  It  was  as  if  we  had  just  re- 
turned from  the  country  and  longed  for  the  di- 
version that  we  had  long  missed.  The  opening 
of  the  carnival  consisted,  curiously  enough,  of 
three  or  four  balls  for  children ;  after  a  few  hours 
the  little  guests  departed  to  make  room  for  the 
grown-ups.  My  husband  declared  himself  unre- 
servedly against  this  unchildlike  amusement. 
Only  in  the  case  of  the  children's  ball  given  by 
the  Stackelbergs  was  an  exception  unavoidable. 
Henriette  still  holds  a  lively  memory  of  this  early 
look  into  the  great  world.  She  remembers  with 
pleasure  her  little  experiences  at  this  ball,  and 
with  horror  that  she  nearly  stepped  on  the  toes 
of  the  King  of  Prussia.  I  tried  to  keep  my  eye 
on  my  little  treasures  as  much  as  possible  in  the 
crowd  of  this  colorful  world  of  children  and 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  33 

princely  personages,  of  attentive  mothers  and 
young  women  busy  with  themselves;  I  observed 
with  pleasure  her  natural,  childlike  manner, 
which  stood  so  favorably  in  contrast  to  that  of 
her  playmates,  who  for  the  most  part  were  re- 
splendent in  most  unchildlike  decorations.  Their 
high  coiffures  were  adorned  with  artificial  flow- 
ers, they  wore  gowns  of  silk  and  tulle;  the  bou- 
quet on  the  left  side  and  the  little  fan  completed 
their  woman's  finery.  Most  of  them  were  very 
pretty;  they  formed  a  pleasing  group  of  chil- 
dren, among  which  my  own  dear  ones  had  a  de- 
served place. 

Despite  the  apparent  unanimity  and  agree- 
ment with  which  the  princes  and  their  ministers 
associated,  this  attitude  in  general  was  mislead- 
ing, for  exactly  in  this  month  of  January  the 
Congress  was. almost  disrupted  by  the  increasing 
enmity. 

On  January  16,  King  Frederick  told  me  that 
Czar  Alexander  had  replied  to  Metternich's  in- 
vitation to  a  ball  with  a  negative  and  the  added 
remark  that  he  would  rather  fight  him  with  pis- 
tols. Others  declared  that  the  czar  had  informed 
Emperor  Francis  that  so  long  as  Metternich 
remained  no  results  could  be  attained,  for  he 
spoiled  everything. 

Even  before  unity  had  been  restored  the  sov- 
ereigns appeared  together  in  public  once  more; 


34      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

it  was  when  they  met  to  commemorate  with  feel- 
ings born  of  the  most  painful  memories  the  re- 
quiem mass  for  Louis  XVI  on  January  21. 

The  ceremony  itself  was  most  dignified,  and 
enhanced  by  the  beautiful  music.  Little  could 
be  heard  of  the  sermon,  which  Talleyrand  him- 
self had  written,  and  the  cold  affected  all  more 
than  anything  else.  My  dear  husband  returned 
chilled.  I  had,  however,  limited  myself  to  visit- 
ing the  beautiful  Stephan's  church  after  the  cere- 
mony to  view  its  memorial  decorations,  which 
were  not  at  all  appropriate.  I  had  made  an  ap- 
pointment for  this  purpose  with  the  Countess 
Caroline  zur  Lippe-Biickeburg.  If  I  must  tell 
why  I  did  not  attend  this  great  ceremony,  I  shall 
have  to  confess  that  I  did  not  have  the  necessary 
rich  winter  wardrobe.  This  circumstance  had 
already  caused  me  to  miss  promenades  on  the 
glacis,  and  yet  I  did  not  think  for  a  moment  of 
procuring  a  second  winter  hat  when  the  old  one 
was  in  good  condition  and  elegant  enough  for 
other  events. 

If  luxuries  continue  to  increase  in  the  same 
measure  in  the  next  twenty-three  years  as  they 
have  in  the  last  twenty-three  years,  my  children 
and  grandchildren,  who  once  will  read  this,  will 
be  astounded  principally  at  the  simplicity  of 
my  wardrobe.  They  would  be  mistaken  if  they 
believed  that  I  procured  many  new  costumes  for 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  35 

the  never-ending  festivities  of  the  Congress.  No, 
I  do  not  recall  having  had  any  other  expenses, 
outside  of  the  unavoidable  ones  for  white  gloves 
and  white  shoes,  for  the  hair-dresser,  who  came 
daily,  for  the  two  costumes  for  the  carousal  and 
the  masquerade,  and  beyond  the  little  trousseau 
which  my  husband  had  brought  for  me  from 
Paris,  which  included  several  rich  and  one  or  two 
ball  costumes.  In  order  to  give  an  indication  of 
the  simplicity  of  the  modes  of  that  time  I  might 
remark  that  a  small  tulle  cap  with  rose-colored 
decorations  had  to  serve  me  even  at  the  great 
soirees  where  there  was  dancing.  Up  to  that 
time  caps  for  young  women  had  been  unheard 
of,  and  the  mode  had  just  arrived.  The  richest 
Viennese  women  were  distinguished  for  their 
simplicity,  and  appeared  covered  with  their  jew- 
els only  at  the  great  festivities ;  they  never  looked 
down  with  scorn  upon  those  who  were  more  sim- 
ply attired  than  they. 

During  a  dinner  at  the  home  of  the  Princess 
Bagration  I  was  amused  to  hear  the  wager  which 
Czar  Alexander  made  with  the  Countess  Flora 
Wrbna  [born  Countess  Kageneck,  wife  of  Count 
Eugen  Wrbna]  as  to  which  one  could  dress  most 
quickly  for  a  formal  occasion.  I  was  not  pres- 
ent when  the  wager  was  carried  out  a  few  days 
later,  but  I  heard  a  great  deal  about  it.  The 
czar  and  Flora  arrived  at  Zichy's  at  the  stroke 


36      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

of  nine,  and  showed  themselves  to  the  assembled 
guests  in  ordinary  attire,  without  a  cloak  or  any 
other  covering.  Then  both  were  led  aside  by 
witnesses  who  had  been  chosen  with  great  solem- 
nity. The  czar  appeared  in  five  minutes  in  full 
uniform,  with  silk  hose,  etc.,  and  found  Flora 
also  ready,  attired  in  a  complete  French  court 
costume  of  the  ancien  regime,  which  appeared 
most  comical.  She  had  even  found  time  to  add 
beauty-spots  and  to  powder  her  hair ;  neither  the 
shoes  with  high  heels  nor  the  bouquet  had  been 
forgotten,  and  she  wore  small  gauntlets.  Enough ; 
nothing  was  lacking.  For  winning  the  wager 
she  received  a  gracious  note  from  the  Czar  of 
All  the  Russians  and  almost  a  library. 

As  the  winter  festivities  went  on,  early  spring 
arrived,  mild  breezes  blew,  and  seemed  about  to 
bring  the  buds  of  life.  We  went  on  a  pleasure 
drive,  which  in  contrast  to  sleighing  we  called  a 
"Pirutschade."  I  had  been  named  the  partner 
of  the  Archduke  John.  It  was  most  opportune 
that  on  the  evening  before  I  met  our  Oriental 
singer,  the  famous  Hammer,  during  a  visit  at 
the  home  of  my  friends,  the  Beroldingens.  Ham- 
mer was  in  the  confidence  of  the  Archduke  John. 
I  did  not  hide  the  fact  that  I  was  a  bit  appre- 
hensive because  of  the  long  hours  that  I  was  to 
pass  in  such  close  company  with  a  man  whom  I 
did  not  know  and  at  best  had  hardly  seen, 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  37 

although  I  had  heard  nothing  but  the  best  re- 
ports of  him,  in  addition  to  knowing  about  the 
originality  of  his  people  and  of  his  province, 
Styria.  Hammer  thereupon  amused  us  by  de- 
claring that  the  embarrassment  of  the  noble  man 
was  no  less  than  mine,  and  that  he  was  worried 
about  the  manner  in  which  he  should  entertain 
me.  ''You  know  her,"  he  had  told  Hammer, 
"so  please  inform  me  how  I  can  amuse  her  and 
with  what  I  can  win  her  interest.  That  she  is 
a  competent  woman  I  know,  but  what  else  she 
is  I  don't  know." 

And  thereupon  the  archduke  had  asked 
whether  he  might  interest  me  by  talking  about 
music.  "Oh,  no!"  our  friend  had  replied. 
"Of  all  things  in  the  world,  but  not  music." 
I  promised  the  gleeful  group  that  I  would 
return  on  the  day  following  the  drive  to 
make  a  report  on  the  turn  that  this  greatly  feared 
adventure  had  taken,  and  I  kept  my  word;  for 
I  assured  them  all  triumphantly  that  the  arch- 
duke and  I  had  been  greatly  pleased  with  each 
other,  and  that  while  together  time  had  gone  with 
lightning-like  rapidity.  And  this  was  actually 
true,  for  my  guide  had  so  much  common  sense 
and  tact  and  such  learning,  and  I  was  so  inter- 
ested in  what  he  told  me  in  his  pure  German 
speech,  that  his  conversation,  so  strongly  in  con- 
trast to  that  usually  carried  on  in  the  great  world, 


caused  me  so  much  pleasure  that  I  gladly  over- 
looked what  it  lacked  in  brightness  and  grace. 

At  two  o'clock  I  was  ready  for  the  drive  in 
the  carriage.  I  found  most  of  the  members  of 
the  company  already  assembled  in  the  strongly 
heated  halls  of  the  Burg;  nevertheless  we  had 
to  remain  there  attired  in  heavy  furs  in  order 
to  wait  for  a  few  late-comers.  Finally  the  line 
started.  We  passed  through  the  principal 
streets  of  Vienna,  through  the  avenues  of  the 
Prater,  even  the  most  distant,  and  so  by  means  of 
all  sorts  of  imaginable  detours  to  our  destination, 
the  Augarten.  This  goal  was  too  near  for  most 
of  the  participants,  and  this  also  was  my  case, 
for  my  partner  was  just  describing  the  years  of 
the  war  and  oppression  in  the  most  interesting 
manner.  Before  that  he  expressed  pleasure  be- 
cause the  populace  showed  more  enthusiasm  for 
my  King  of  the  Danes  than  for  any  other  of  the 
great  lords  who  drove  by.  We  had  the  oppor- 
tunity to  observe  this  well,  because  he  drove 
ahead  of  us  with  the  Grand  Duchess  Marie 
Pavlovna  of  Weimar,  sister  of  Czar  Alexander. 
Not  only  in  one  street  or  at  one  spot;  no,  every- 
where the  incessant  cheering  of  the  people 
greeted  him.  But  my  archduke  also  was  greeted 
with  demonstrations  of  the  unusual  regard  that 
he  enjoys. 

Upon  arriving  at  the  pavilion  of  the  Augarten 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  39 

we  disposed  of  our  furs  and  then  proceeded  to 
dinner,  during  which  the  old  Prince  Albert  of 
Saxe-Tesche,  a  son-in-law  of  the  Empress  Maria 
Theresa,  sat  beside  me,  and  I  was  placed  oppo- 
site the  empresses.  On  a  stage  that  had  been 
constructed  for  this  event  we  saw  Caroline  Seid- 
ler  appear  for  the  first  time  in  the  role  of  Agnes 
Sorel.  I  had  seen  her  in  the  summer  of  1812, 
when,  almost  a  child,  she  played  the  part  of 
Susanna  in  "The  Wedding  of  Figaro"  at  the 
birthday  celebration  of  the  old  Prince  von  Labko- 
witz.  She  had  been  for  a  long  time  absent  from 
the  stage,  and  in  the  meantime  had  developed  her 
voice  to  its  fullest  proficiency.  After  the  theater 
we  drove  back  under  the  light  of  torches,  and 
when  I  returned  late  that  night,  tired  out,  but 
most  happy,  I  found  my  family  still  at  tea  await- 
ing me. 

This  was  the  last  care-free  event  of  what 
seemed  to  be  an  endless  line  of  festivals  of  the 
Congress.  A  few  days  later  the  report  that  the 
prisoner  of  Elba  had  flown  spread  through  the 
assembly  of  care-free  merry-makers,  and  fear 
dampened  our  spirits.  But  the  daily  activities 
of  the  pleasure-seekers  went  on,  nor  would  any 
one  of  them  confess  the  extent  of  their  perturba- 
tion. 

I  shall  never  forget  the  day  when  the  first 
report  of  the  landing  of  Napoleon  in  the  Gulf 


40      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

of  Juan,  between  Cannes  and  Antibes,  reached 
Vienna.  It  was  on  a  Saturday,  I  think  the  fifth 
or  the  sixth  of  March,  toward  evening,  when  my 
husband  first  received  this  news  at  the  Burg, 
where  an  audience  was  gathering  for  a  theatrical 
performance,  and  whispered  it  to  me;  for  one 
dared  not  yet  mention  aloud  the  name  of  the 
vanquished  enemy,  even  if  up  to  that  day  it  had 
been  hoped  that  he  was  banned  forever. 

Although  the  politicians  were  accustomed  to 
control  themselves,  this  terrible  news  could  be 
clearly  read  on  their  features.  It  was  written 
most  deeply  on  those  of  Talleyrand;  it  was  ex- 
pressed most  loudly  by  Stewardt,  and  Alexan- 
der's paleness,  his  earnest  physiognomy,  showed 
clearly  what  he  would  not  have  confessed  at  any 
costs.  His  usual  triumphant  look  was  already 
gone.  Yet  it  was  hoped  that  the  European 
prisoner,  who  had  been  so  poorly  guarded,  would 
be  caught  before  he  could  set  the  world  afire 
anew.  In  this  hope  they  tried  to  make  the  best  of 
a  bad  bargain,  and  on  March  13  issued  the  proc- 
lamation declaring  Xapoleon  an  outlaw,  which 
has  been  so  often  criticized. 

Eight  days  after  that  ominous  evening  we 
were  again  invited  to  the  Burg.  It  was  thought 
that  the  suspense  of  waiting  for  further  news 
might  be  overcome  by  diversions;  comedies  and 
tableaux  were  to  hold  the  interest  of  the  gather- 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  41 

ing.  But  in  vain.  All  were  more  or  less  down- 
cast; for  the  post  had  just  brought  news  of  the 
worst  sort.  Napoleon  had  entered  Lyons  amid 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  populace;  the  troops  that 
had  been  sent  against  him  had  for  the  most  part 
joined  him.  It  was  now  felt  that  the  act  of  out- 
lawry was  not  sufficient  and  that  war  would  be 
unavoidable,  had  not  Talleyrand  said  at  once: 
"II  faut  courir  lui  comme  sur  un  chien  enrage." 
["It  is  necessary  to  fall  upon  him  as  on  a  mad1 
dog."] 

The  Congress  appeared  like  a  theatrical  per- 
formance while  the  house  was  burning.  The 
artists  were  dismissed  before  the  last  act.  All 
thought  only  of  momentary  salvation.  I  myself 
was  deeply  moved;  my  health  suffered,  and  I 
believed  for  a  moment  that  I  would  be  down 
with  jaundice.  I  saw  the  color  daily  in  Koss, 
and  Minister  Rosencranz  also  suffered  severely 
from  it ;  luckily,  this  calamity  did  not  come  to  me. 
After  all  the  sacrifices  of  the  previous  cam- 
paigns we  now  looked  forward  to  a  new  war, 
which  would  be  destructive  enough  in  all  its 
forms  and  results  even  if  the  outcome  were  suc- 
cessful, which  no  one  doubted.  And  would  the 
good  allies  again  commit  a  foolhardly  act  and 
place  an  inefficient  watch  over  Napoleon? 
Would  they  allow  themselves  again  to  be  robbed 
of  the  fruits  of  victory? 


42      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

I  cannot  refrain  from  mentioning  a  trick 
which  was  not  only  inopportune  at  this  earnest 
moment,  but  rather  unworthy  of  the  statesman 
who  perpetrated  it.  No  matter  how  important 
the  moment  appeared  to  Prince  Metternich,  nor 
how  irksome  and  depressing  the  events  must  have 
been  to  him,  his  mood  for  a  practical  joke  pre- 
vailed so  far  over  the  seriousness  of  the  situation 
that  he  did  not  desist  from  giving  his  secretary, 
Herr  von  Gentz,  the  keeper  of  the  minutes  of 
the  Congress,  a  scare  that  was  almost  fatal  in 
its  consequences.  He  prepared  a  manifesto  in 
which  Napoleon  was  represented  as  offering  a 
reward  of  many  thousands  of  ducats  to  the  per- 
son who  would  deliver  Gentz  dead  or  alive  to 
him,  or  who  would  simply  produce  proofs  of  his 
murder.  This  manifesto  was  placed  in  a  news- 
paper copy  that  had  been  specially  printed  for  the 
occasion,  and  then  delivered  to  the  bedside  of 
this  faint-hearted  man  with  his  morning's  coffee. 
To  the  great  joy  of  his  superior,  this  almost 
paralyzed  the  unfortunate  secretary. 

Every  one  spoke  of  leaving.  The  Empress 
Elizabeth  of  Russia,  born  Princess  of  Baden, 
gave  the  signal  for  departure.  We  had  a  fare- 
well audience  with  her  together  with  a  large 
number  of  others  at  her  home;  it  was  a  most  im- 
posing circle.  The  empress  called  my  husband 
to  her  and  said  many  flattering  things  to  him  in 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  43 

a  gracious  and  yet  extremely  sincere  manner. 
This  scene  has  left  so  lively  an  impression  on  my 
memory  that  I  could  paint  it.  The  sweet  dig- 
nity of  this  noble,  unhappy  princess  cannot  be 
praised  too  much.  I  will  mention  an  unimpor- 
tant event  in  this  connection  solely  in  order  to 
speak  of  her  for  a  moment  longer.  Her  attire 
was  always  simple,  and  enhanced  by  the  beauty 
of  her  diamonds  or  pearls.  A  theatrical  per- 
formance was  about  to  be  given  at  court;  we 
had  just  seated  ourselves  before  the  lowered  cur- 
tain when  the  bands  of  a  costly  collar  of  pearls 
worn  by  the  empress  parted,  and  these  beautiful 
pearls  rolled  down,  disappearing  under  the  seats. 
We  wished  to  pick  them  up,  but  she  stopped  the 
movement  with  her  kindly  commanding  request 
that  we  do  not  bother ;  it  is  not  worth  the  trouble. 

From  now  on  only  farewell  dinners  and  sup- 
pers interrupted  the  daily  life  of  the  household, 
for  with  the  preparations  for  war  came  also 
the  preparations  for  the  devotion  which  every  one 
more  or  less  determined  to  observe  at  Easter. 

I  had  long  wished  to  hear  a  sermon  by  Zacha- 
rias  Werner,  the  famous  poet  and  convert,  who 
while  still  a  Protestant  wrote  the  play  "The 
Consecration  of  Might,"  in  which  he  glorified 
Luther.  I  had  been  deterred  during  advent 
not  only  by  the  cold,  but  also  because  I  feared 
the  enormous  crowd  in  the  various  little  churches 


44      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

where  he  preached,  and  from  the  pulpit  of  which 
he  thundered  especially  against  the  frivolity  of 
the  Congress  of  Vienna.  He  had  also  given 
much  attention  to  the  levity  of  the  Viennese 
women,  and  assured  them  that  he  respected  their 
cooks  more  than  themselves,  addressing  them  as 
"Meine  gnadigen,  doch  nun  vielleicht  ungnadig- 
en  Damen"  ["My  gracious,  but  now  perhaps  un- 
gracious, ladies"].  On  another  occasion  he  made 
an  improper  and  scandalous  confession  of  his 
own  sins;  then  again  he  spoke  of  horses  and 
horse-breeding.  At  another  time  he  stepped 
from 'the  pulpit  with  the  words:  "You  believe 
that  the  kings  and  lords  have  made  peace? 
Foolishness!  Amen!" 

Now  in  holy  week  I  found  two  opportunities 
to  hear  him.  Joachim  accompanied  me  to 
church,  but  each  time  I  found  all  seats  taken,  and 
had  to  be  satisfied  with  sitting  on  a  balustrade 
opposite  the  pulpit.  I  found  in  Werner  a  zealot 
who  often  said  very  trivial  and  again  very  ele- 
vated things,  accompanied  by  vulgar  and  exces- 
sive gesticulations;  so  that  I  might  call  him  the 
Jean  Paul  of  the  pulpit.  Sometimes  he  sat, 
sometimes  he  stood,  and  often  he  knelt,  and  fre- 
quently tears  interrupted  his  discourse. 

On  holy  Thursday,  March  23,  we  partook 
of  holy  communion  with  Oberconsistorialrat 
Waechter.  On  Sunday,  the  twenty-sixth,  I 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  45 

found  our  king  with  his  entire  suite  in  the  Dan- 
ish chapel.  Up  to  that  time  I  had  always  avoid- 
ed such  a  meeting.  Now  I  sat  there  beside  the 
king,  Henriette  at  my  side,  quiet  and  reverent; 
but  sad  to  relate,  during  the  sermon  she  dropped 
a  little  collection  of  kreuzer  that  she  carried  for 
us.  They  rolled  about  the  floor  with  a  great 
deal  of  noise,  and  his  majesty  himself  picked  up 
most  of  them. 

In  the  middle  of  February  I  went  to  the  last 
soiree  given  by  the  Castlereaghs  before  their  de- 
parture. We  said  to  ourselves  that  the  farewell 
was  for  life,  even  if  we  did  not  suspect  what 
a  tragic  destiny  lay  in  store  for  this  man  of 
honor.  A  few  years  later  he  ended,  by  cutting 
his  throat,  a  busy  and  what  appeared  to  be  a 
happy  life.  His  successor,  the  hero,  the  Duke 
of  Wellington,  viewed  the  world  of  women  espe- 
cially with  askance.  Finally  this  honorable, 
good-looking  man  appeared,  decorated  with  or- 
ders, covered  with  renown.  Was  it  for  this  that 
the  women  crowded  around  him  and  begged  a 
kiss  from  him  upon  being  presented?  Was  it 
North  German  custom  that  kept  me  in  the  back- 
ground or  perhaps  an  ardor  dampened  somewhat 
through  my  acquaintance  with  other  heroes  or 
a  surviving  diffidence  that  caused  me  to  keep 
aloof?  Enough;  I  did  not  rush  toward  him,  so 
that  I  had  to  seek  an  opportunity  later  of  being 


46      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

presented  to  him,  for  this  belonged  to  the  eti- 
quette which  was  observed  by  an  ambassador. 
Regarding  his  sociability  in  Vienna  I  will  merely 
say  that  he  did  not  follow  the  example  of  his 
predecessor  of  receiving  every  evening,  but  set 
apart  one  or  two  days  a  week  for  this  purpose, 
on  which  society  crowded  into  his  home.  Once, 
in  the  early  days  of  March,  his  doors  were  open, 
and  his  reception-rooms  were  filled  with  his  fol- 
lowing, with  Lady  Radcliffe  present  to  do  the 
honors.  He  himself,  however,  had  departed  on 
an  excursion  to  Pressburg.  His  dupes  included 
not  only  many  of  most  respected  persons,  but 
also  the  King  of  Prussia.  Conduct  such  as  this 
won  nothing  for  the  ambassador  of  Great 
Britain. 

Despite  this — that  is  to  say,  in  the  latter  part 
of  May,  April,  and  most  of  May — Czar  Alex- 
ander took  walks  continually  with  his  bosom 
friend,  Prince  Eugene  de  Beauharnais,  former 
Viceroy  of  Italy.  The  Viennese,  who  had 
looked  at  this  friendship  with  askance  from  the 
start,  were  now  furious  at  it.  It  is  generally  be- 
lieved that  this  stepson  of  Napoleon  meant  to 
betray  his  new  friends  and  his  patron,  and  it  is 
thought  that  his  humbled  and,  since  the  appear- 
ance of  Napoleon,  tearful  mien  is  only  a  mask. 

Alexander    does    not    permit   himself   to   be 


DANCED  AT  THE  CONGRESS  47 

warned,  at  least  not  by  words.  The  warning, 
therefore,  becomes  more  pointed,  for  at  a  street 
corner  a  female  fruit-vendor  throws  rotten 
apples  at  the  pair,  so  that  they  have  to  take 
refuge  in  the  first  house  at  hand. 


CHAPTER  II 
A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS 

FROM    THE    REMINISCENCES    OF    THE    COUNT    DE 
LA  GARDE 

To  the  statesmen  and  generals  at  the  Congress  of 
Vienna  Charles-Joseph,  Prince  de  Ligne,  was  a  link 
with  the  past.  When  the  Congress  met,  he  was  already 
in  his  eightieth  year,  and  yet  his  mind  was  as  active 
as  when  he  entered  the  Austrian  Army  over  sixty  years 
before.  He  had  friends  in  every  court  in  Europe,  and 
was  sought  out  by  such  men  as  Rousseau,  Voltaire, 
Schlegel,  Goethe,  and  Frederick  the  Great.  He  was 
born  in  Brussels  of  Belgian  parentage,  and  passed  most 
of  his  military  life  with  the  Austrian  Army.  His  title 
of  field  marshal  came  from  Catharine  II  of  Russia,  to 
whom  he  refers  in  his  talk  with  Count  de  la  Garde.  The 
latter  was  a  gallant  of  the  time  of  the  Congress.  He 
was  born  in  1783  of  French  parentage,  and  through 
the  death  of  his  parents  entered  the  house  of  his  kins- 
man, the  Marquis  de  Chambonas,  who  was  related  by 
marriage  to  the  Prince  de  Ligne.  De  la  Garde  escaped 
the  Terror  with  his  patron,  and  then  entered  upon  a 
career  of  light-hearted  vagabondage,  tasting  the  gay 
social  life  at  the  European  courts,  a  friend  of  Mme. 

48 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS        49 

Recamier  and  Queen  Hortense,  the  latter  writing  music 
for  some  of  his  poems. 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA 

ON  the  day  after  my  arrival  I  made  haste  to 
pay  my  respects  to  the  Prince  de  Ligne. 

"You  have  come  at  the  proper  time  to  behold 
great  events,"  he  said  to  me.  "Europe  is  in 
Vienna.  The  web  of  politics  is  shot  through 
with  festivities." 

Thereupon  with  youthful  vivacity  he  asked  me 
a  number  of  questions — about  Paris,  my  family, 
my  travels,  and  my  plans,  until  we  were  inter- 
rupted by  the  announcement  that  his  carriage 
was  ready. 

"I  shall  expect  you  at  dinner  to-morrow,"  he 
said,  "and  thence  we  will  attend  the  masked  ball. 
In  a  few  moments  I  will  point  out  to  you  the 
sights  of  this  great  scene." 

At  nine  o'clock  we  reached  the  imperial  palace, 
called  the  Burg.  In  this  ancient  palace  a  mum- 
mers' show  was  taking  place;  character  masks 
appeared,  and  often  under  the  immobility  of  the 
domino  they  concealed  political  combinations, 
masterpieces  of  intrigue  or  plans.  The  prin- 
cipal hall  was  splendidly  lighted,  and  was  sur- 
rounded by  a  circular  gallery  that  opened  into 
spacious  rooms  in  which  arrangements  for  supper 


50      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

had  been  made.  Upon  the  rows  of  seats  that 
were  built  like  an  amphitheater  sat  a  group  of 
women,  a  number  of  them  in  domino  costumes, 
but  the  majority  in  character  costumes.  One 
can  think  of  nothing  more  imposing  than  this 
assemblage  of  young  and  beautiful  women,  each 
adorned  particularly  to  suit  her  charms;  all  the 
centuries,  all  the  countries,  seemed  to  have  met 
as  if  by  design  in  this  circle. 

At  regular  intervals  the  orchestras  played  suc- 
cessively the  polonaise  and  the  waltz;  in  the 
adjoining  halls  minuets  were  danced  with  Ger- 
man earnestness,  and  this  was  in  no  wise  the  least 
amusing  part  of  the  picture. 

The  prince  was  right,  Vienna  at  that  time  was 
a  cross-section  of  Europe,  and  this  ball  a  cross- 
section  of  Vienna.  Nothing  was  more  bizarre 
than  these  masked  and  unmasked  persons,  among 
whom  without  distinction  moved  all  the  sover- 
eigns attending  the  Congress. 

"Observe,"  said  the  Prince  de  Ligne  to  me, 
"this  pleasing  figure  of  elegant  and  military 
bearing.  That  is  Czar  Alexander.  He  offers 
his  arm  to  Prince  Eugene  de  Beauharnais,  for 
whom  he  has  developed  a  sincere  liking.  Upon 
Eugene's  arrival  here  with  his  father-in-law,  the 
King  of  Bavaria,  the  Austrian  court  was  in  doubt 
what  rank  to  give  him.  The  Czar  of  Russia, 
however,  spoke  so  favorably  of  him  that  he  was 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS        51 

given  a  reception  in  keeping  with  his  noble 
character.  The  czar,  as  you  know,  inspires 
friendship  and  has  a  feeling  for  friendship. 

"Do  you  know  that  man  with  the  tall,  noble 
figure,  whom  the  beautiful  Neapolitan  holds  cap- 
tive with  her  rounded  arms?  It  is  the  King  of 
Prussia,  whose  earnest  face,  nevertheless,  re- 
mains immobile.  And  this  mischievous  masked 
figure  is  perhaps  an  empress  and  perhaps  only 
a  grisette. 

"This  frank  countenance,  on  which  good-heart- 
edness  is  pictured,  is  Maximilian,  King  of  Ba- 
varia, who,  although  he  occupies  a  throne,  has 
not  forgotten  his  place  as  colonel  in  the  French 
service  and  who  holds  for  his  subjects  the  love 
that  once  he  gave  his  regiment. 

"That  short,  pale  man  yonder  with  the  Roman 
nose  and  the  white-blond  hair  is  the  King  of  Den- 
mark. Political  considerations  had  caused  an 
unfavorable  feeling  toward  him  on  the  part  of 
the  sovereigns,  but  the  charm  of  his  conduct,  the 
frankness  and  magnanimity  of  his  character, 
soon  won  him  all  hearts.  His  animated  and 
cheerful  disposition  and  his  happy  sallies  are  the 
joy  of  the  royal  assemblies;  he  is  known  here  as 
the  jester  of  the  sovereign's  brigade.  When  you 
observe  the  simplicity  of  his  manners  and  know 
what  good  fortune  his  little  kingdom  enjoys,  you 


52      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

will  hardly  come  to  the  conclusion  that  he  is  the 
most  absolute  monarch  of  Europe. 

"This  gigantic  figure,  whose  proportions  the 
black  domino  can  neither  conceal  nor  diminish, 
is  the  King  of  Wiirtemberg.  Beside  him  stands 
his  son,  the  crown  prince,  whose  love  for  the 
Grand  Duchess  of  Oldenburg,  sister  of  Czar 
Alexander,  draws  him  to  the  Congress  and  prob- 
ably occupies  him  even  more  than  the  important 
interests  that  one  day  will  be  his.  We  shall 
soon  be  able  to  watch  this  romance  unfold. 

"The  two  young  men  who  have  just  passed  by 
are  the  crown  prince  of  Bavaria  and  his  brother, 
Prince  Karl.  The  head  of  the  prince  may  well 
be  compared  to  that  of  Antinous.  This  great 
surging  crowd  of  human  beings  of  varied  appear- 
ance and  costumes  are  ruling  princes  or  arch- 
dukes or  exalted  personages  of  the  various  king- 
doms; for  outside  of  a  number  of  Englishmen, 
who  may  be  recognized  by  their  well-chosen  at- 
tire, there  is  surely  not  a  single  person  here  who 
does  not  have  a  title  added  to  his  name.  Now 
I  have  initiated  you  fairly  well ;  you  may  now  go 
your  own  way." 

After  the  prince  left  me,  I  continued  my  wan- 
derings through  the  hall,  and  as  if  called  together 
by  a  general  rendezvous,  I  met,  one  after  another, 
all  the  persons  with  wrhom  I  had  become  ac- 
quainted from  Naples  to  St.  Petersburg  and 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS       53 

from  Stockholm  to  Constantinople.  What  a 
motley  of  costumes  and  tongues!  This  fete  ap- 
peared to  me  like  a  bazaar  of  all  the  nations  of 
the  world.  As  if  for  the  first  time  I  felt  the  en- 
chantment of  a  masked  ball.  The  uninterrupted 
music,  the  secrecy  surrounding  the  disguises,  the 
intrigues  by  which  I  was  surrounded,  the  general 
incognito,  the  merry-making  without  measure  or 
restraint,  the  wealth  of  seductive  opportunities,— 
in  a  word,  the  magic  of  this  great  social  picture 
confused  my  mind,  and  even  older  and  stronger 
natures  were  overcome  by  it. 

I  was  soon  surrounded  by  friends,  so  that  at 
a  moment  when  the  Prince  de  Ligne  was  occu- 
pied with  only  a  few  persons,  I  asked  him  to  go 
to  no  more  pains  on  my  account  for  this  evening. 
I  plunged  myself  into  the  tumult  of  joy,  of  care- 
free feeling  and  happiness,  which  everywhere 
seemed  to  dominate  the  whirl  of  this  extraordi- 
nary gathering.  I  met  a  few  more  friends,  in 
whose  company  I  cheerfully  passed  the  two  hours 
that  remained  before  supper;  then  about  twenty 
of  us  sat  down  at  table  to  see  the  end  of  this  jolly 
evening  together. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  soiree  I  was  lucky 
enough  to  meet  my  excellent  friend  General  Tet- 
tenborn.  Upon  parting,  General  Tettenborn 
said  to  me : 

"Until  to-morrow;  I  will  be  at  your  house  at 


54      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

ten  o'clock.  We  will  then  proceed  to  the  great 
military  festival  that  is  being  held  to  celebrate 
peace.  Before  we  lay  down  our  arms  the  mon- 
archs  wish  to  thank  Providence  for  the  extraor- 
dinary favor  shown  them." 

At  the  appointed  hour  Tettenborn  presented 
himself  with  the  punctuality  of  an  Austrian  cap- 
tain of  cavalry.  It  was  a  mild  and  clear  October 
morning.  Soon  we  trotted  upon  the  glacis  be- 
tween the  Neue  Tor  and  the  Burg  Tor.  On  the 
way  we  were  joined  by  several  friends  who  also 
were  led  on  by  curiosity.  Tettenborn  wore  his 
resplendent  military  uniform;  the  great  number 
of  military  orders  that  decorated  his  breast 
demonstrated  that  he  had  proved  himself  worthy 
of  the  protection  of  the  Goddess  of  Fortune. 
Hardly  had  we  arrived  in  the  Prater  when  he 
had  to  leave  us  in  order  to  join  the  suite  of  Czar 
Alexander;  I,  however,  remained  surrounded  by 
friends,  and  soon  we  found  a  favorable  place 
where  we  could  observe  all  the  details  of  this 
beautiful  festival.  Although  one  could  attend 
events  of  this  kind  frequently  enough  in  that  sol- 
dierly time,  I  do  not  think  that  any  ever  equaled 
this  in  splendor  and  majesty.  The  war,  which 
had  terrified  the  world  by  its  bitterness  and 
length,  was  over.  The  giant  of  renown  had  not 
been  conquered,  but  crushed  by  weight  of  num- 
bers; and  the  cheering  and  enthusiasm  called 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS        55 

forth  by  this  success  demonstrated  sufficiently 
well  the  power  of  the  antagonist  and  the  unex- 
pectedness of  the  triumph. 

Numerous  battalions  of  infantry  and  regi- 
ments of  cavalry,  among  them  the  Schwarzen- 
berg  Uhlan  Regiment  and  the  cuirassiers  of 
Grand  Duke  Constantine,  had  gathered  on  an 
enormous  meadow.  All  of  these  troops  were  in 
most  dazzling  array. 

The  sovereigns  arrived  on  horseback.  The 
troops  formed  a  double  square,  in  the  center  of 
which  a  great  tent,  or,  rather,  a  temple  in  honor 
of  the  general  peace,  had  been  erected.  The  pil- 
lars which  supported  the  tent  were  decorated 
with  trophies  of  weapons,  and  standards  that 
fluttered  in  the  breeze.  Everywhere  the  ground 
was  bedecked  with  leaves  and  flowers.  In  the 
middle  of  the  tent  stood  an  altar  richly  adorned 
with  draperies  of  gold  and  silver  and  all  the 
pomp  of  the  Catholic  faith.  Countless  candles 
shed  their  light,  which  was  dimmed  by  the  rays 
that  the  sun  sent  down  in  all  its  glory.  The  steps 
of  the  altar  were  covered  with  carpets  of  red 
damask. 

Soon  the  royal  carriages,  drawn  by  four  horses, 
arrived  with  the  empresses,  queens,  and  duch- 
esses, who  seated  themselves  upon  the  velvet-up- 
holstered arm-chairs.  Finally,  when  this  dazzling 
assembly,  this  crowd  of  military  men,  courtiers, 


56      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

masters  of  the  horse,  and  pages  had  taken  the 
places  set  aside  for  them,  the  honored  Archbishop 
of  Vienna,  surrounded  by  his  clergy,  began  the 
mass,  a  function  that  he  had  reserved  for  himself 
despite  his  advanced  age.  The  entire  population 
of  Vienna  and  its  environs  had  streamed  in  to 
attend  this  solemn  service. 

At  the  moment  of  the  consecration  of  the  host 
a  salvo  of  artillery  greeted  the  presence  of  the 
God  of  Battles.  At  the  same  moment,  as  if  by 
a  sign,  all  these  warriors,  kings,  princes,  gener- 
als, and  soldiers  fell  upon  their  knees  and  bowed 
down  before  the  One  Whose  hands  held  the  de- 
cision of  victory  or  defeat.  The  tremendous 
crowd  of  spectators  seemed  to  be  seized  by  the 
same  feeling;  with  one  accord  they  bared  their 
heads  and  knelt  in  the  dust.  The  cannon  became 
silent,  and  a  solemn  stillness  followed  the  thun- 
der of  the  guns.  Finally  the  priest  of  the  Lord 
raised  aloft  the  symbol  of  redemption  and  turned 
toward  the  army  to  give  the  blessing.  The  serv- 
ice was  concluded,  the  bowed  figures  rose,  and 
the  clatter  of  weapons  again  filled  the  air. 

A  chorus  of  voices  began  a  hymn  to  peace  in 
German,  and  a  large  band  of  wind  instruments 
played  an  accompaniment.  Suddenly  the  whole 
army  and  all  the  countless  spectators  joined  in 
the  singing.  No,  never  before  has  the  human 
ear  heard  anything  more  affecting  than  when 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS        57 

those  thousands  of  voices  melted  together  as  one 
in  praising  the  beneficence  of  peace  and  the  glory 
of  the  Almighty. 

After  the  religious  ceremony  the  rulers  and 
all  the  princesses  placed  themselves  on  a  rise  of 
ground  near  the  Burg  Tor.  The  troops  paraded 
before  them;  Grand  Duke  Constantine  and  other 
princes  marched  at  the  head  of  the  regiments  that 
had  been  presented  to  them.  From  all  sides 
came  cheers  and  appeals  for  the  preservation  of 
peace,  the  first  need  of  the  peoples. 

The  inventive  faculty  was  not  too  tired  to  pro- 
pose new  festivities  daily,  banquets,  concerts, 
hunting-parties,  masked  balls,  carousals.  Fol- 
lowing the  example  of  the  head  of  their  exalted 
family,  all  the  princes  of  the  Austrian  house  had 
divided  the  duties  of  hospitality  between  them  in 
order  to  extend  to  their  distingushed  guests  the 
entertainment  of  Vienna.  It  was  considered  so 
undesirable  to  interrupt  this  succession  of  amuse- 
ments that  the  court  did  not  even  put  on  mourn- 
ing for  Queen  Marie  Caroline  of  Naples,  and 
this  despite  the  fact  that  this  one  surviving  daugh- 
ter of  Maria  Theresa  had  ended  her  eventful  life 
before  the  entry  of  the  monarchs  into  Vienna. 
Any  effort  to  announce  her  death  publicly  was 
scrupulously  avoided;  this  assembly,  dedicated 
only  to  insouciance  and  pleasure,  was  not  to  be 
given  a  mournful  tinge. 


58      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Nothing  equaled  the  mutual  confidence  with 
which  these  monarchs  lived  together.  They 
studied  how  to  perform  little  acts  of  friendship 
and  good-will.  They  met  daily,  and  yet  this  did 
not  detract  from  the  sincerity  of  their  frank  de- 
meanor, which  was  worthy  of  the  times  of  chiv- 
alry. Did  they  propose  by  means  of  this  honor- 
able conduct  to  wipe  out  all  the  reported  misun- 
derstandings, the  selfish  scheming,  the  play  for 
personal  advantage,  usual  at  the  congresses  of 
kings?  Or  were  they  astonished  and  entranced 
at  a  life  and  a  fraternal  relation  which  stood  in 
such  strong  contrast  to  the  stiff  formalities  of 
their  courts? 

In  order  to  avoid  the  embarrassments  of  for- 
malities and  disputes  over  precedence  in  rank,  it 
was  unanimously  decided  to  abide  by  the  rule  of 
seniority  upon  entering  and  leaving  a  room  and 
on  the  horseback-rides  and  pleasure-drives.  The 
suggestion  for  this  decision  is  credited  to  Czar 
Alexander.  The  rank  according  to  age  was 
placed  as  follows: 

1.  King  of  Wiirtemberg,  born  in  the  year  1754 

2.  King  of  Bavaria,  "     "     "       "     1756 

3.  King  of  Denmark,  "     "     "       "     1768 

4.  Emperor  of  Austria,      "     "     "       "     1768 

5.  King  of  Prussia,  "     "     "       "     1770 

6.  Emperor  of  Russia,        "     ".     "       "     1777 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS   59 

This  order  of  precedence,  however,  was  in 
force  only  at  the  festivities ;  at  the  official  sessions 
of  the  Congress  the  monarchs  did  not  appear  in 
person. 

One  of  the  first  courtesies  exchanged  between 
the  monarchs  was  the  bestowal  upon  one  another 
of  the  great  cross  of  their  orders.  It  wras  difficult 
to  distinguish  between  these  decorations  of  all 
forms  and  names,  ranging  from  the  names  in  the 
calendar  of  the  saints  to  the  most  unusual  titles, 
such  as  the  elephant,  the  phoenix,  the  black,  red, 
and  white  eagle,  the  fleece,  and  so  on.  This  ex- 
change was  only  a  preliminary  to  something  more 
important — to  the  presentation  of  kingdoms, 
provinces,  or  aggregations  of  souls. 

The  ceremony  specially  discussed  among  all 
others  of  this  kind  was  that  at  which  Lord  Castle- 
reagh,  in  the  name  of  his  king,  bestowed  the  Or- 
der of  the  Garter  on  the  Emperor  of  Austria. 
The  Prince  de  Ligne,  who  attended  this  cere- 
mony, described  to  me  the  dignity  and  splendor 
with  which  it  was  carried  out.  Sir  Isaac  Hart, 
the  foremost  herald  of  the  order,  had  been  sent 
specially  from  London  for  this  purpose.  He  him- 
self invested  the  emperor  with  the  separate  arti- 
cles of  the  costume  of  the  order,  and  placed  on 
him  the  garter  that  is  so  greatly  desired;  Lord 
Castlereagh  then  presented  the  statutes  of  the 
order  to  the  emperor.  In  gratitude  for  this  cour- 


60      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

tesy,  the  emperor  gave  the  title  of  field-marshal 
to  the  English  prince  regent  and  to  his  brother, 
the  Duke  of  York. 

When  the  rulers  had  no  more  orders  to  give, 
they  began  to  present  to  each  other  regiments 
of  their  armies ;  and  so  it  became  a  point  of  honor 
for  the  princes  to  appear  at  once  in  the  uniform 
of  the  regiment  that  had  been  given  to  them. 

In  this  manner  the  Emperor  of  Austria  gave 
the  Hiller  Regiment  to  Czar  Alexander,  and  the 
Blackenstein  Hussars  to  the  crown  prince  of 
Wiirtemberg.  Alexander  acknowledged  this  by 
bestowing  one  of  his  regiments  of  the  emperor's 
guard.  In  order  to  demonstrate  the  value  he 
placed  upon  this  gift,  he  determined  to  present 
the  regimental  colors  to  his  new  soldiers  in  per- 
son. This  standard  had  been  tastefully  em- 
broidered by  the  Empress  of  Austria  and  bore 
the  device,  "Unaufloslicher  Bund  zwischen  den 
Kaisern  Alexander  und  Franz"  ["Indissoluble 
tie  between  the  Emperors  Alexander  and  Fran- 
cis"]. The  regiment  was  drawn  up  in  order  of 
battle  on  one  of  the  greens  of  the  Prater.  A 
tremendous  crowd  assembled.  Alexander  ap- 
proached with  the  flag,  which  he  had  received 
from  the  hands  of  the  Empress  of  Austria,  and 
gave  it  to  the  soldiers  with  the  words,  "Soldiers, 
remember  that  you  are  ready  to  die  in  the  defense 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS       61 

of  this  flag  and  in  the  defense  of  your  emperor 
and  your  colonel,  Alexander  of  Russia." 

The  monarchs  paid  calls  upon  one  another,  and 
surprised  one  another  like  good  old  friends.  In 
a  word,  it  was  royal  camaraderie.  For  instance, 
Czar  Alexander  and  the  King  of  Prussia  agreed 
to  surprise  Emperor  Francis  on  his  birthday 
while  dressing.  One  presented  to  him  a  loung- 
ing-robe  padded  with  marten  sable;  the  other 
gave  him  a  wash-bowl  and  a  pitcher  of  the  finest 
Berlin  workmanship.  Reports  of  these  scenes 
of  domestic  confidences  were  soon  in  everybody's 
mouth,  and  became  the  subject  of  all  conversa- 
tions. 

The  stranger  is  well  received  in  Vienna;  civil- 
ians welcome  him  with  hearty  hospitality,  and 
the  authorities  show  him  affability.  In  return 
they  make  only  one  request,  that  their  guests  do 
not  speak  or  act  against  the  Government.  "May 
you  enjoy,"  they  say,  "all  the  pleasant  diver- 
sions that  surround  you ;  become  acquainted  with 
our  rich  and  beautiful  environs ;  visit  the  theaters, 
the  casinos,  and  the  ball-rooms;  but  do  not  cast 
a  shadow  on  our  merry-making  by  political  com- 
ment. Refrain  from  all  criticism,  which  would 
not  add  to  your  comfort  and  might  affect  our 
own." 

These  were  the  conditions  for  a  cheerful  wel- 
come ;  but  woe  to  the  stranger  who  sinned  against 


these  wise  laws!  On  the  day  of  his  error  he  re- 
ceived a  short  communication  which  asked  him 
most  politely  to  appear  on  the  following  day  be- 
fore the  police  judge.  In  the  most  friendly  man- 
ner he  was  informed  that  his  passports  were  not 
in  order  and  that  his  business  was  at  an  end. 
He  protested  in  vain,  might  refer  to  his  connec- 
tion with  various  governments,  and  reiterate  that 
he  was  there  only  for  pleasure;  it  was  all  of  no 
avail;  he  had  to  leave. 

Two  events  differing  greatly  in  character  oc- 
cupied the  minds  of  all  at  that  time,  the  fate  of 
the  Kingdom  of  Saxony  and  the  announcement 
of  a  carousal,  or  tournament,  which  had  been  dis- 
cussed since  the  opening  of  the  Congress,  and 
was  to  be  held  in  the  imperial  riding-academy. 
A  few  words  were  devoted  to  Saxony,  and  the 
plan  of  giving  it  to  Prussia  as  reparation  was 
touched  on;  the  preparations  for  the  tournament, 
however,  were  discussed  down  to  the  smallest 
detail.  Of  all  the  festivities  at  the  court  it  was 
to  be  one  of  the  most  beautiful.  We  steeped  our- 
selves in  descriptions  and  representations  of  the 
tournaments  under  Louis  XIV,  and  became  con- 
fident that  they  would  be  surpassed  in  splendor. 

The  colors  of  the  various  quadrilles  and  the 
supposed  dexterity  of  the  individual  champions 
were  the  subject  of  gossip.  Various  devices,  the 
meaning  of  which  the  women  tried  to  solve,  were 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS       63 

cited.  The  excellent  King  of  Saxony  and  his 
state  were  entirely  forgotten ;  his  case  had  to  give 
way  before  one  more  important. 

Prince  Talleyrand  received  me  with  that  char- 
acteristic cordiality  that  is  his,  took  my  hand 
with  a  friendliness  that  reminded  me  of  other 
times,  and  said: 

"So  I  have  to  come  to  Vienna,  Monsieur,  and 
invite  you  formally,  in  order  to  get  you  to  visit 
me?" 

I  may  be  mistaken,  but  at  this  moment  he 
seemed  to  give  the  lie  to  the  maxim  that  was  so 
long  ascribed  io  him,  "Speech  is  given  man  so 
that  he  may  hide  his  thoughts."  Noting  by  my 
embarrassment  that  I  had  not  hit  upon  a  happy 
reply,  he  immediately  presented  the  Duke  of 
Dalberg,  and  accompanied  this  introduction  witl 
a  few  polite  and  flattering  words. 

Karl  von  Dalberg  of  Hesse  was  prince-primate  of 
the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine  from  1806  to  1813,  and 
the  last  archbishop-elector  of  Mayence. 

I  had  not  seen  Talleyrand  since  the  year  1806. 
His  look  still  reflected  refinement,  his  features 
showed  his  imperturbable  calm,  the  bearing  of  a 
self-possessed  man,  who  was  admired  throughout 
all  Europe  at  that  moment  as  the  foremost  dip- 
lomat of  all  times.  He  still  possessed  the  same 


deep,  melodious  voice,  the  same  free  and  natural 
manners,  the  same  cosmopolitanism,  the  reflec- 
tion of  a  social  order  that  had  passed  away  and 
of  which  he  was  the  last  representative. 

Standing  face  to  face  with  the  man  in  this 
salon,  it  was  not  easy  to  avoid  an  irrepressible 
feeling  of  diffidence  and  fear. 

The  renown  of  the  French  plenipotentiaries  at 
the  Congress  preceded  them;  but  Talleyrand 
seemed  to  dominate  specially  through  his  assur- 
ance and  the  force  of  his  spirit.  Always  the  same, 
he  practised  diplomacy  as  he  had  practised  it  in 
other  days  in  his  salons  at  Paris  or  Neuilly  after 
a  victorious  battle,  and  this  despite  the  fact  that 
the  task  of  France  was  now  as  arduous  on  ac- 
count of  outwrard  conditions  as  because  of  in- 
ternal embarrassments.  Surrounded  by  many 
handicaps,  the  result  of  the  new  organization 
and  the  faulty  harmony  within,  French  diplo- 
macy could  take  no  effective  strides.  It  was  well 
known  that  it  was  neither  the  desire  nor  in  the 
power  of  the  Government  to  do  this. 

The  great  powers  that  acted  as  arbiters  of  the 
Congress  stepped  forward  with  a  unanimity 
without  precedent  in  diplomatic  annals.  Noth- 
ing in  the  world  seemed  powerful  enough  to 
loosen  a  link  in  this  closed  chain.  The  repre- 
sentatives of  France,  therefore,  were  compelled 
to  draw  upon  their  genius  or  talents  in  order  to 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS        65 

overcome  the  obstacles  which  a  quadruple  alliance 
placed  in  their  way  with  the  whole  weight  of  its 
momentary  prestige  and  unity. 

The  power,  however,  that  Talleyrand  did  not 
get  from  his  Government  he  created  himself;  for 
one  might  well  say  that  no  matter  what  the 
achievements  and  the  personal  influence  of  its 
other  members,  the  French  embassay  at  the  Con- 
gress was  concentrated  in  him.  With  that  won- 
derful comprehension  that  seemed  to  anticipate 
and  to  decide  beforehand  on  events,  he  soon  knew 
how  to  regain  a  fitting  place  for  France. 

He  wholly  repudiated  all  points  of  view  and 
intentions  of  the  guiding  committee  composed  of 
the  four  great  powers.  "I  bring  you  more  than 
you  possess,"  he  said  to  them,  "the  idea  of  legit- 
imacy." He  disrupted  the  powers,  which  up  to 
that  time  had  been  so  much  in  agreement;  he 
hinted  at  the  danger  embodied  in  a  Russia  inordi- 
nately enlarged  and  dominating  the  rest  of  Eu- 
rope, and  pointed  to  the  necessity  of  damming 
its  progress  in  the  north.  He  understood  how 
to  win  England  and  Austria  to  this  view.  In 
this  manner  Czar  Alexander,  who  six  months  be- 
fore had  determined  upon  the  restoration  of  the 
Bourbon  house  in  the  salon  of  Talleyrand  and 
under  his  influence,  now  beheld  with  disgust  his 
plans  disarranged  by  the  representative  of  a 
state  that  had  to  thank  Alexander  for  its  exist- 


66      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

ence.  In  a  disagreeable  mood  he  often  remarked, 
*"M.  de  Talleyrand  here  plays  the  part  of  the 
minister  of  Louis  XIV." 

It  has  been  said,  and  certainly  with  justice, 
that  Prince  Talleyrand  was  never  greater  than 
at  the  moment  when  France  lay  crushed  by  the 
disaster  of  1814.  I  had  seen  him  eight  years  be- 
fore as  minister  of  the  French  Empire,  at  that 
time  the  all-powerful  lawmaker  of  Europe.  In 
Vienna,  as  the  ambassador  of  a  vanquished  peo- 
ple, he  was  exactly  the  same,  his  power  just  as 
firm.  It  was  the  same  cultivated  dignity,  per- 
haps with  just  an  added  nuance  of  pride;  the 
same  poise,  worthy  of  a  country  that  had  been 
conquered,  but  was  nevertheless  necessary  to  the 
balance  of  power  in  Europe,  and  \vhich  could 
draw  new  strength  even  from  catastrophe.  His 
attitude,  a  word  from  him,  was  the  best  expres- 
sion of  the  greatness  of  our  fatherland.  When 
one  saw  this  look,  which  no  ill  fortune  could 
darken,  this  assurance,  which  nothing  could  dis- 
turb, one  felt  that  this  man  had  a  strong  and 
powerful  nation  behind  him. 

As  he  was  in  politics,  so  he  was  also  in  private 
life,  in  his  salon.  He  had  adhered  to  his  Parisian 
habits  in  Vienna.  He  received  visits  daily  while 
dressing,  and  the  most  earnest  discussions  often 
ensued  while  his  valet  attended  him.  I  have  often 
seen  him  sitting  in  his  salon  beside  the  beautiful 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS        67 

Countess  Edmond  de  Perigord,  with  all  the  dip- 
lomatic notabilities  around  him,  all  the  ministers 
of  the  victorious  powers  engaged  in  a  discussion 
with  him  while  standing  and  listening  as  pupils 
would  to  a  teacher.  In  our  century  M.  de  Tal- 
leyrand is  perhaps  the  only  person  who  has  last- 
ingly celebrated  such  triumphs. 

The  Duke  of  Dalberg  was  worthy  to  stand  at 
the  side  of  the  Prince  de  Talleyrand.  As  the 
scion  of  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  noble  of 
German  families,  he  contributed  a  great  deal  on 
March  31  to  the  resolutions  that  returned  the 
Bourbon  family  to  the  throne.  At  the  same  time 

•*  » 

he  also  interested  himself  in  the  application  of 
constitutional  measures  that  were  adopted  to 
overcoming  divergent  views  and  to  reunite 
France. 

Before  departing  for  Vienna,  M.  de  Talley- 
rand had  prepared  his  own  instructions;  it  was 
contended  that  he  had  remained  faithful  to  his 
task  and  had  foreseen  and  predetermined  with 
a  wonderful  perspicacity  the  various  phases 
through  which  the  negotiations  would  pass.  It 
is  not  generally  known  that  the  French  ambassa- 
dor carried  on  two  lines  of  correspondence  with 
Paris.  One,  compiled  by  M.  de  Besnadiere,  was 
exclusively  anecdotal  and  sent  to  King  Louis 
XVIII.  In  this  M.  de  Talleyrand  sprinkled 
the  original,  piquant  impressions,  the  delicate  and 


68      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

comprehensive  comment  which  characterize  him. 
The  other  correspondence,  which  was  wholly  po- 
litical in  character  and  was  prepared  princi- 
pally by  the  Duke  of  Dalberg,  was  sent  direct  to 
the  ministry  of  foreign  affairs. 

I  was  often  tempted  at  that  time  to  draw  a  com- 
parison between  the  two  men  who  in  such  a  re- 
markable society  drew  the  attention  of  all  per- 
sons upon  themselves,  the  Prince  de  Ligne  and 
M.  de  Talleyrand.  Both  had  lived  with  the  no- 
table men  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  seemed 
to  have  been  bequeathed  as  models  and  orna- 
ments to  the  new  generation.  Both  were  repre- 
sentatives of  this  cultivated  society,  but  in  a  dif- 
ferent manner.  The  one  shared  its  frivolous  and 
restless  spirit,  the  other  its  naturalness  and  the 
nobility  of  its  conduct.  Both  understood  how 
to  please  by  the  magic  of  their  spirit;  the  one  in 
a  more  resplendent,  the  other  in  a  deeper,  man- 
ner. M.  Talleyrand  was  born  in  order  to  ravish 
men  through  the  force  of  his  sharp  and  brilliant 
understanding;  the  Prince  de  Ligne  pleased  and 
dazzled  by  the  magical  charm  of  the  inexhausti- 
ble power  of  his  imagination.  This  one  brought 
to  literature  the  refinement,  agreeableness,  and 
splendor  of  a  courtier;  the  other  dominated  the 
most  important  affairs  with  the  calm  ease  of  a 
cultivated  man  and  the  unmovable  moderation  of 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS        69 

a  well-poised  man.  The  one,  as  the  other,  was 
rich  in  pertinent  thoughts,  witty,  original,  and 
piquant ;  those  of  the  statesman  were  more  char- 
acteristic, those  of  the  warrior  more  unexpected, 
spontaneous.  In  both,  finally,  this  kindly  dis- 
position was  ingrained, — it  is  always  the  legacy 
of  a  man  from  birth, — and  in  the  one  it  disclosed 
itself  in  a  quiet,  in  the  other  a  more  communica- 
tive, manner. 

Happy  the  man,  I  often  said  to  myself,  who 
can  pass  the  morning  with  the  Prince  de  Ligne 
and  the  evening  with  M.  de  Talleyrand !  Where 
the  one  enriches  the  spirit  with  lessons  drawn 
from  a  wide  experience,  with  true  and  beautiful 
descriptions,  the  other  encourages  good  taste  by 
his  sure  tact,  penetrating  observations,  and  the 
magic  of  his  conversation,  which  captures  every 
one. 

I  went  to  the  Prince  de  Ligne  in  order  to  pay 
him  my  daily  visit.  He  was  still  in  bed,  and  I 
entered  the  library,  which  at  the  same  time  was 
his  bedroom.  The  place  where  a  famous  man 
lives  is  always  interesting.  Everywhere  one  finds 
traces  of  his  inclinations,  and  the  special  char- 
acter of  his  genius  stands  forth  in  the  smallest 
details;  everything  here  awakens  curiosity  or 
commands  attention.  Surrounded  by  his  books 
and  scattered  manuscripts,  the  Prince  de  Ligne 


70      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

seemed  like  a  general  in  his  tent  among  his  weap- 
ons and  trophies. 

The  license  of  considering  a  pleasing  disorder 
artistic,  which  is  permitted  to  poets,  was  misused 
to  some  extent  by  the  prince,  who  allowed  a  gen- 
eral topsy-turvydom  that  was  not  without  charm 
to  exist  all  about  him.  Here  lay  Montesquieu, 
there  Rousseau,  opened  beside  an  amorous  cor- 
respondence; there  little  verses  beside  military 
writings  of  the  Archduke  Karl;  letters  half  be- 
gun, poems,  and  outlines  of  strategic  writings.  A 
remarkable  mixture  of  the  characteristics  of  a 
cultivated  man,  a  soldier,  a  man  of  intellectual 
attainments  belonged  to  the  Prince  de  Ligne, 
representative  of  a  type  of  men  such  as  is  no 
longer  found.  He  held  the  most  excellent  women 
enthralled  by  his  seductive,  dazzling  entertain- 
ment ;  he  astonished  the  most  prominent  generals 
by  the  depth  of  his  plans,  and  held  all  spellbound 
by  the  pointedness  and  accuracy  of  his  comment. 

He  had  a  desk  before  him,  on  which  he  was 
writing. 

"I  am  going  to  Schonbrunn  to-day,"  he  said 
to  me.  "You  will  accompany  me,  will  you  not? 
I  have  the  honor  of  presenting  my  respects  to  the 
little  duke,  the  born  king.  Permit  me  to  finish 
this  chapter,  in  which  I  am  describing  an  event 
of  this  time;  then  I  will  be  at  your  service." 

"I  am  putting  my  ideas  on  paper  in  any  sort 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS       71 

of  way,"  he  added,  "in  order  not  to  forget  them. 
This  great  picture  makes  me  enthusiastic;  in  the 
middle  of  these  intoxicating  joys  comes  a  thought 
that  may  one  day  have  a  good  or  pleasing  effect. 
Drawn  into  this  circle  of  chimeras,  I  cannot  de- 
sist being  an  observer.  Despite  the  fact  that  I 
am  a  participant  in  this  drama,  I  consider  every- 
thing that  takes  place  about  me  about  as  impor- 
tant as  stepping  on  an  ant-hill." 

He  resumed  his  writing.  Suddenly  he  turned 
to  me,  for  he  had  to  look  up  something. 

"Do  me  the  favor  and  give  me  yonder  volume 
of  manuscript  that  you  see  lying  on  the  third 
book-shelf." 

I  rose  and  began  to  hunt  the  place  he  indi- 
cated, but  as  I  hesitated  for  a  moment,  he  jumped 
from  the  bed,  climbed  up  the  ladder,  seized  the 
book,  and  lay  down  again  with  a  speed  too  fast 
for  words.  I  expressed  my  astonishment  at  this 
mobility,  so  unusual  for  one  of  his  age. 

"It  is  true,"  he  said  to  me,  "I  have  always 
been  light  of  foot,  often  to  my  advantage.  On 
that  wonderful  trip  on  which  I  accompanied 
Catharine  the  Great  to  Taurus,  the  imperial  yacht 
sailed  around  the  Parthian  foot-hills,  where  the 
temple  of  Iphigenia  is  said  to  have  stood.  We 
were  disputing  over  the  plausibility  of  this  tradi- 
tion when  Catharine  stretched  her  hand  out  to 
the  shore  and  said: 


72      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

'Prince  de  Ligne,  I  present  the  disputed 
ground  to  you.'  In  a  moment  I  sprang  into  the 
sea,  clad  in  my  uniform  and  wearing  my  hat, 
and  swam  ashore.  I  drew  my  sword  and  cried 
out:  'Your  Majesty,  I  take  possession  of  this 
country.'  The  cliff  bears  my  name  since  that 
time,  and  I  am  its  possessor.  You  see,  my  child, 
mobility  often  has  happy  consequences,  and  in 
life  you  must  know  how  to  make  quick  decisions. 
"A  few  years  before  the  Revolution  I  was  so- 
journing in  Paris.  In  the  enjoyment  of  the 
moment  and  with  the  abandon  of  youth  I  had 
not  thought  of  the  condition  of  my  purse ;  it  was 
unhappily  as  empty  of  money  as  my  heart  was 
full  of  happiness  and  my  head  full  of  hopes.  But 
I  had  to  be  in  Brussels  within  a  day  or  two  in  or- 
der to  dine  with  the  archduchess,  Regent  of  the 
Netherlands.  I  was  unacquainted  in  this  great 
Paris,  and  therefore  in  the  direst  embarrass- 
ment. I  was  honorably  bound  by  ties  of  friend- 
ship to  Prince  Max,  at  that  time  a  colonel  in  the 
French  service  and  to-day  King  of  Bavaria.  You 
know  his  nobility,  his  wonderful  unselfishness; 
everything  that  he  possessed  was  at  all  times  at 
the  disposal  of  his  friends.  I  turned  to  him. 
However,  the  excellent  Max  was  not  yet  a  king 
and  had  no  minister  of  finance  at  his  side  to  ad- 
minister his  income.  As  chance  would  have  it, 
his  purse  was  just  as  light  as  my  own. 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS   73 

"What  was  I  to  do?  The  postilion  is  the  most 
irreconcilable  of  men,  and  at  every  station  ap- 
proaches with  hat  in  hand  to  demand  payment. 
I  learned  that  my  cousin,  the  Duke  of  Arenberg, 
was  to  travel  that  very  evening  to  Brussels  by 
extra  post.  My  decision  was  made  in  a  moment. 
'You  will  be  there  before  him,'  I  said  to  myself. 
Booted  and  spurred  as  a  courier,  I  went  to  the 
post,  had  a  horse  given  me,  and  rode  forth  to 
order  relays  for  the  duke  at  the  next  station.  In 
this  manner  I  hurried  from  Paris  to  Brussels,  al- 
ways a  few  minutes  ahead  of  him,  and  so  kept 
him  supplied  with  post-horses  on  the  whole  jour- 
ney. My  cousin,  who  had  sent  forward  no  cour- 
ier, could  not  explain  wrhat  unseen  agency  he  had 
to  thank  for  this  punctuality,  which  increased  the 
speed  of  his  journey  by  a  great  deal.  Upon  his 
arrival  I  related  the  story  of  my  trickery,  at 
which  we  laughed  heartily,  and  which  enabled 
me  to  keep  my  dinner  engagement  writh  the  arch- 
duchess." 

While  chatting  thus  the  Prince  de  Ligne  at- 
tired himself.  When  he  had  put  on  his  resplend- 
ent uniform  of  a  colonel  of  the  body-guard  and 
had  decorated  himself  with  half  a  dozen  orders, 
he  said  to  me: 

"If  the  Goddess  of  Fortune  came  to  me  to- 
day with  her  crystal,  how  gladly  would  I  ex- 
change this  pomp  for  the  simple  uniform  of  a 


74      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

color-sergeant  in  the  regiment  of  my  father!  I 
was  not  yet  sixteen  years  old  when  I  wore  it  for 
the  first  time,  and  I  thought  then  that  thirty 
was  old  age.  Everything  changes  with  time. 
Now,  as  an  octogenarian,  I  still  feel  young,  al- 
though many  mockers  try  to  hint  that  I  am  too 
young.  What  does  it  matter?  I  do  everything 
I  can  to  prove  to  them  that  I  am  young  enough. 
Taken  as  a  whole,  my  career  was  a  happy  one. 
Neither  remorse,  nor  ambition  nor  jealousy 
hemmed  my  path;  I  have  piloted  my  boat  fairly 
well,  and  until  I  step  into  the  boat  of  Charon,  I 
shall  not  desist  considering  myself  young,  to  the 
great  discomfiture  of  all  those  who  insist  that  I 
am  old." 

Even  in  this  joking  he  gave  a  grace  to  all  his 
words  that  cannot  be  described.  I  repeated  that 
age  had  passed  him  by  without  touching  him, 
and  that  time  did  him  the  honor  of  forgetting 
him.  He  believed  me,  and  an  expression  of  gen- 
uine pleasure  brightened  his  pleasing  counte- 
nance. 

As  we  decended  the  stairs  we  found  several  of 
the  importunate  persons  who  steadily  besieged 
him.  His  face  darkened.  He  freed  himself  from 
these  onerous  callers  with  a  fe*v  polite  words  and 
left. 

"Oh,"  he  said,  "these  wordmongers,  wit-chas- 
ers, these  variable  lexicons,  who  in  place  of  talent 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS        75 

have  only  memory !  The  best  book  to  learn  from 
is  the  world,  but  this  book  will  always  remain 
sealed  for  them." 

Soon  we  were  rolling  forward  on  the  way  to 
Schonbrunn.  Unhappily,  the  carriage  of  the 
prince  did  not  deserve  the  compliment  that  I  had 
just  passed  on  the  prince  himself.  It  was  impos- 
sible to  believe  that  it  had  ever  been  young,  and 
its  springs  demanded  in  a  loud  voice  to  be  ex- 
changed for  the  more  elastic  ones  of  our  time.  I 
still  see  it  before  me,  this  old,  gray  vehicle  drawn 
by  two  lean,  white  horses.  On  the  doors  of  the 
carriage  was  painted  the  broad  coat  of  arms  and 
above  it  could  be  read  the  motto  of  the  house  of 
Egmont,  from  which  the  line  of  the  prince  was 
descended: 

"Quo  res  cumque  cadunt,  semper  stat  linea  recta." 

On  the  rear  of  this  peculiar  vehicle  stood  a 
Heyduc,  six  feet  tall,  an  old  Turk  whom  Prince 
Potemkin  had  given  the  prince  at  the  siege  of 
Ismail,  and  who  bore  the  name  of  the  conquered 
town.  But  the  marshal  knew  how  to  shorten  the 
long  route,  just  as  he  understood  how  to  enrich 
his  not  too  luxurious  meals  by  his  entertaining 
manner.  The  ride  of  nearly  one  hour  seemed 
short,  and  soon  we  had  reached  the  gates  of  the 
palace. 


76      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

In  the  anteroom  we  were  received  by  a  French 
attendant  who  still  wore  the  livery  of  Napoleon. 
He  recognized  the  marshal,  and  hastened  to  an- 
nounce us  to  Mme.  de  Montesquieu  [governess 
of  Napoleon's  son]. 

"I  hope  we  shall  not  have  to  wait,"  the  prince 
remarked  to  me,  "for,  as  I  already  have  told  you, 
I  am  a  Count  de  Segur  at  Schonbrunn." 

The  prince  referred  to  the  post  of  grand  master 
of  the  ceremonies,  which  M.  de  Segur  occupied 
with  Napoleon ;  the  Prince  de  Ligne  had  become 
acquainted  with  the  count  at  the  court  of  Cath- 
arine of  Russia. 

A  few  moments  later  Mme.  de  Montesquieu 
appeared  and  excused  herself  most  politely  for 
not  being  able  to  admit  us  at  once. 

"The  young  prince,"  she  said,  "is  just  sitting 
for  a  portrait  that  Isabey  is  making  of  him,  and 
which  is  intended  for  the  empress,  Marie  Louise. 
As  he  is  greatly  attached  to  M.  le  Marechal,  his 
visit  will  without  doubt  be  a  welcome  diversion 
for  him.  I  will  attempt  to  bring  the  sitting  to 
an  early  close." 

"It  will  interest  you  to  know  what  happened 
to  me  on  my  first  visit  to  this  place,"  said  the 
prince  when  Mme.  de  Montesquieu  had  taken 
leave.  "When  the  child  was  informed  that  the 
Marshal  Prince  de  Ligne  desired  to  visit  him  he 
cried  out: 


'  'Is  that  one  of  the  marshals  who  betrayed  my 
father?  He  shall  not  enter!' 

"It  cost  a  great  effort  to  make  the  child  com- 
prehend that  France  was  not  the  only  land  in 
which  there  are  marshals." 

Soon  thereafter  Mme.  de  Montesquieu  led  the 
way  to  the  prince.  When  the  young  Napoleon 
spied  the  prince  he  sprang  from  his  chair  and 
threw  himself  into  his  arms.  He  was  really  the 
prettiest  child  one  could  imagine.  His  resem- 
blance to  his  grandmother,  Maria  Theresa  [Em- 
press of  Austria] ,  was  astonishing.  The  angelic 
lines  of  his  face,  the  dazzling  whiteness  of  his 
skin,  the  fire  in  his  eyes,  the  beautiful  blond  hair, 
which  fell  upon  his  shoulders  in  thick  locks,  pro- 
vided a  most  charming  subject  for  the  brush  of 
Isabey.  He  wore  the  Legion  of  Honor  upon 
his  dolman. 

"A  Frenchman,  my  Prince,"  said  the  marshal 
to  him  and  pointed  to  me. 

"Good  day,  Monsieur,"  said  the  child  to  me. 
"I  like  Frenchmen  very  much." 

I  recalled  an  expression  of  Rousseau,  "No  one 
cares  to  be  interrogated,  and  children  the  least 
of  all,"  therefore  I  bent  silently  down  to  him  and 
embraced  him. 

We  then  approached  Isabey,  who  was  working 
to  complete  the  portrait  of  the  young  prince.  It 
had  a  surprising  effect  and  was  charming,  as  are 


78      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

all  the  productions  of  this  great  artist.  It  is  the 
picture  that  Isabey  presented  to  Napoleon  in  the 
year  1815  upon  his  return  from  the  Island  of 
Elba. 

"What  pleases  me  most  in  this  portrait,"  said 
the  Prince  de  Ligne,  "is  its  extraordinary  sim- 
ilarity to  a  youthful  picture  of  Joseph  II  [of 
Austria]  that  I  received  from  the  Empress  Maria 
Theresa." 

In  the  meantime  the  young  Napoleon  had  gone 
to  a  corner  of  the  salon  to  get  a  wooden  regiment 
of  Uhlans  which  his  great-uncle,  the  Archduke 
Karl,  had  presented  to  him  a  few  days  before. 
By  the  action  of  a  simple  mechanism  each  of  the 
horsemen,  who  were  fastened  to  movable  bars, 
imitated  all  the  military  evolutions ;  broke  ranks, 
formed  columns,  etc. 

"To  drill,  my  Prince!"  cried  the  Prince  de 
Ligne  in  a  loud  voice. 

The  regiment  was  immediately  taken  out  of 
its  box  and  placed  in  the  order  of  battle. 

"Attention!"  commanded  the  old  marshal, 
who  had  drawn  his  sword  and  adopted  the  bear- 
ing of  a  general  on  parade. 

Immovable  and  attentive,  as  grave  as  a  Rus- 
sian grenadier,  the  young  prince  took  his  place 
at  the  left  wing  of  his  troops,  his  hand  on  the 
handle  of  the  bars.  A  command  was  given;  its 
execution  followed  immediately,  A  second,  the 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS   79 

same  compliance ;  on  both  sides  the  same  earnest- 
ness. In  fact,  when  one  saw  the  pleasant  face  of 
this  child  brighten  at  this  game  of  battle  and  be* 
held  the  features  of  the  famous  old  warrior  come 
to  life,  one  might  well  have  said :  the  one  has  in- 
herited his  lively  passion  for  the  art  of  war  from 
his  father,  and  the  other,  younger  by  forty  years, 
wishes  to  live  again  his  glorious  campaigns.  A 
charming  contrast,  and  a  picture  worthy  of  in- 
spiring the  genius  of  our  painters. 

These  great  maneuvers  were  interrupted  as 
the  empress  was  announced.  As  she  preferred 
to  be  alone  with  her  son,  whose  education  she  per- 
sonally directed,  we  withdrew.  Isabey  remained, 
as  he  wished  to  show  her  his  work. 

When  we  were  again  seated  in  the  carriage, 
the  Prince  de  Ligne,  still  greatly  moved  by  the 
visit,  said  to  me : 

"Oh,  when  Napoleon  received  the  submission 
of  Vienna  at  Schonbrunn,  when  he  here  planned 
the  memorable  Battle  of  Wagram,  when  he 
caused  his  victorious  phalanges  to  parade  before 
the  astonished  Viennese  in  these  broad  courts,  he 
was  far  from  foreseeing  that  he  whose  fate  lay 
wholly  in  his  hands  would  one  day  hold  back  the 
son  of  the  victor  and  the  daughter  of  the  van- 
quished as  hostages.  In  my  long  career  I  have 
seen  a  great  deal  of  glory  and  misfortune,  but 


80      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

nothing  compares  to  the  story  of  which  a  chapter 
has  just  been  unfolded  before  us." 

As  we  rode  across  the  glacis  between  the  sub- 
urbs and  the  city  we  observed  a  broad,  open, 
and  extraordinary  low  carriage,  filled  by  a  per- 
son of  generous  girth. 

"Halt!"  said  the  prince  to  me.  "We  must 
salute.  That  is  his  Majesty  by  grace  of  God  and 
Robinson  Crusoe,  the  King  of  Wiirtemberg.  Un- 
til now,"  continued  the  prince,  "we  have  attended 
only  the  festivities  of  kings;  to-morrow  I  will 
call  for  you  for  a  festival  of  the  people. 

This  public  festival  is  one  of  the  most  imposing 
events  of  the  city  of  Vienna,  and  had  long  been 
the  subject  of  general  expectation. 

I  had  therefore  gladly  accepted  the  invitation 
of  my  famous  guide,  the  Prince  de  Ligne.  I  vis- 
ited him  before  noon,  and  we  started  out  for  the 
Augarten,  where  the  event  was  to  be  celebrated. 

An  enormous  assembly  of  people  crowded  the 
beautiful  spot.  The  weather  was  magnificent. 
The  tribunes  erected  for  the  monarchs  and  the 
personages  of  the  Congress  were  occupied  by 
men  and  women  spectators  attired  in  brilliant 
finery.  The  prince  preferred  to  mingle  among 
the  people.  This  pleased  me  a  great  deal,  for  I 
hoped  that  opportunities  would  offer  for  me  to 
hear  his  spirited  comment. 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS   81 

Four  thousand  Austrian  veterans  had  been  in- 
vited to  attend  this  festival.  They  defiled  before 
the  tribunes  of  the  sovereigns  to  military  music, 
and  then  took  their  places  under  the  big  tents 
provided  for  them.  Thereupon  events  of  all 
kinds  were  presented,  which  lasted  the  entire  day. 

The  end  of  the  program  was  marked  by  the 
ascension  of  a  balloon  of  enormous  dimensions; 
the  aeronaut  who  went  up  with  it,  a  rival  of  Gar- 
nerin  and  Blanchard,  called  himself  Kraskowitz. 
Soon  he  was  seen  suspended  majestically  over  the 
crowd,  and  a  great  number  of  banners  with  the 
colors  of  the  nations  represented  in  Vienna  were 
unfurled. 

"Truly,"  said  the  Prince  de  Ligne  to  me,  "if 
this  aeronaut  is  somewhat  of  a  skeptic,  he  has  an 
opportunity  for  composing  a  philosophic  treatise 
from  his  windy  height  on  human  vanity  and  the 
drama  that  he  sees  below.  All  these  prominent 
persons,  who  appear  so  little  when  viewed  from 
above  with  an  untrammeled  eye,  must  lose  a  great 
deal  of  their  importance.  If  suddenly  there  came 
a  gust  of  wind  that  carried  him  still  higher,  all 
these  majesties,  these  celebrities,  and  all  these 
immortal  human  beings  would  disappear  from 
his  view  and  mingle  with  the  dust  that  is  raised 
by  their  feet  and  their  horses'  shoes.  Soon  his 
gaze  is  able  to  distinguish  nothing  more  than  in- 
definite masses,  a  chaos  without  names." 


82      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

One  hour  later  the  aeronaut  had  landed  gently 
on  the  Island  of  Lobau. 

In  the  meantime  the  monarchs  moved  about  in 
the  crowd  without  attendants,  viewed  everything, 
gossiped  condescendingly  with  the  old  battle- 
scarred  soldiers.  There  was  something  patriar- 
chal about  the  way  in  which  they  went  about  in 
the  midst  of  the  people,  who  crowded  about  them. 

When  evening  came  innumerable  lamps 
brought  the  light  of  day  to  the  Augarten.  A 
splendid  pyrotechnical  display  now  took  place 
before  the  palace;  the  most  beautiful  of  the  pic- 
tures represented  famous  buildings  of  Milan, 
Berlin,  and  St.  Petersburg.  An  enormous  crowd 
surged  back  and  forth  in  the  avenues  of  the  Au- 
garten, and  yet  the  most  remarkable  order 
reigned  everywhere.  There  was  something  calm 
and  studied  in  this  merry-making,  such  as  is  pe- 
culiar only  to  the  German. 

In  the  hostelry  "Zur  Kaiserin  von  Oesterreich" 
congregated  most  of  the  strangers  whose  ex- 
penses were  not  provided  by  the  court  or  who 
gladly  evaded  the  demands  of  etiquette.  This 
society,  at  first  little  taken  notice  of,  soon  became 
an  advisory  power,  and  even  if  it  had  no  voice 
at  the  Congress,  it  at  least  had  influence. 

We  seated  ourselves  at  a  table  at  which  at  least 
twenty  persons  of  different  nationalities  already 


sat.  One  of  my  neighbors  directed  my  attention 
to  a  young  woman  whose  blue  eyes,  clear  com- 
plexion, and  adornment  cast  a  radiance  on  every- 
thing about  her. 

"This  young  woman,"  he  said  to  me,  "is  being 
spoiled  like  a  favorite  child,  thanks  to  a  happy 
accident." 

"You  seem  to  know  her.  Tell  me  about  her, 
if  you  will." 

"Eight  days  ago,  with  a  few.  friends  I  left  the 
Baths  of  Diana,  where  we  had  dined,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  Caroline, — -that  is  the  name  of  this 
woman, — and  ordered  punch.  This  soon  put  us 
in  a  merry  mood,  and  the  result  of  this  was  an 
uproar,  which  annoyed  the  neighborhood  and 
caused  considerable  property  damage,  which  I 
forgot  to  pay  for  upon  my  departure.  Two  days 
later  I  returned  in  order  to  recompense  my  host- 
ess for  the  indiscretion  and  to  apologize  for  the 
foolhardiness  of  my  comrades.  I  climbed  the 
stairs  with  the  unrestrained  manner  of  one  who 
possessed  the  freedom  of  the  house,  entered,  and 
who  do  I  see  in  the  reception-room  but  a  cham- 
berlain in  court  costume,  who  wears  a  golden  key 
on  his  coat-lapel  and  who  makes  it  his  duty  to 
bar  my  way. 

'  'My  dear  sir,'  he  says  to  me,  'you  may  not 
enter  here.' 


84      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

'That  command,  sir,  cannot  refer  to  me.     I 
have  but  to  say  the  word,  and  will  do  so  speed- 

%•' 

'  'Pardon,  sir,  but  the  king  may  wish  to  speak 
before  you.  His  Majesty  is  within,  and  I  am 
here  on  duty.' 

'  'I  understand,  sir.  I  came  with  regard  to 
several  broken  pieces  of  furniture;  I  will  leave 
the  field  to  one  who  knows  better  than  I  how  to 
repair  an  injury.' 

"Thereupon  I  withdrew.  But  that  does  not 
end  the  matter.  His  Majesty,  it  seems,  was  not 
an  extensive  conversationalist,  and  his  entertain- 
ment was  soon  at  an  end.  Just  as  he  was  prepar- 
ing to  take  his  leave  from  the  pretty  child,  a  po- 
lice agent  entered  with  a  neatly  folded  paper 
which  was  not  exactly  a  love-letter,  but  the  sig- 
nificance of  which  would  leave  no  one  in  doubt 
for  a  moment.  It  came  from  Councilor  Siber, 
director  of  the  police  of  Vienna. 

'  'Ma'm'selle,'  said  the  police  agent  to  Caro- 
line, 'your  neighbors  have  complained  to  the  po- 
lice director  regarding  the  uproar  which  occurred 
in  your  home  the  day  before  yesterday.  I  have 
received  the  order  to  conduct  you  to  his  head- 
quarters, so  that  you  may  justify  your  conduct.' 

"You  must  know  that  the  police  of  Vienna,  as 
faithful  adherents  to  ancient  customs  and  man- 
ners, have  retained  a  certain  practice  that  affects 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS        85 

persons  of  the  sex  and  position  of  Mademoiselle 
Caroline.  When  these  are  to  be  punished  for  an 
infraction  of  this  sort,  the  police  mete  out  a  pun- 
ishment in  a  paternal  manner,  much  as  an  irate 
father  might  punish  his  ill-tempered  child.  Every- 
thing is  done  in  perfect  good  form ;  a  woman  ad- 
ministers the  punishment  in  a  remote  room  of  the 
house  of  the  director  of  police.  The  only  means 
of  obtaining  a  mitigation  of  punishment  is  a  more 
or  less  large  number  of  gulden,  which  the  guilty 
one  may  place  in  the  hand  of  the  one  who  admin- 
isters punishment. 

"The  poor  Caroline  knew  all  these  details. 
When  she  saw  the  police  agent  and  heard  his 
command  she  grew  pale;  a  cold  shudder  ran 
through  her  limbs,  and  she  pictured  the  avenging 
fury  armed  with  the  shameful  instrument  of  deg- 
radation; therefore  she  threw  herself  in  tears  at 
the  feet  of  her  royal  admirer  and  cried  with  all 
the  power  that  fear  gave  her: 

'  'Sire,  you  are  king;  protect  me!  save  me!' 

'  'The  appearance  of  the  royal  master  confused 
the  police  official;  he  explained  the  incident  to 
the  king.  The  monarch,  moved  by  the  pleading 
of  his  ward,  raised  the  beautiful  weeping  girl 
with  one  hand  and  with  the  other  dismissed  the 
messenger,  to  whom  he  said : 

"  'You  may  withdraw.     Madame  belongs  to 


86      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

my  household,  and  she  is  responsible  to  me  alone 
for  her  conduct.' 

"The  unexpected  pleases  kings  as  well  as 
women;  out  of  this  incident,  which  was  meant  to 
be  only  a  passing  mood,  has  developed  a  real, 
lasting  protection.  At  this  Congress  of  amuse- 
ments everything  was  arranged  satisfactorily 
without  any  other  plenipotentiary  than  love. 
Since  that  time  the  young  favorite  has  been 
loaded  with  presents  of  all  kinds;  his  Majesty 
even  appeared  recently  with  her  at  a  masked  ball 
and  gave  his  arm  to  the  girl,  who  was  disguised 
only  in  a  light  domino,  an  occurrence  which 
caused  the  Prince  de  Ligne  to  remark: 

'That  is  the  Danish  Du  Barry;  I  wish  her 
nothing  more  than  a  little  witness  to  the  joys  of 
the  Congress ;  then  good  fortune  will  have  placed 
a  golden  spoke  in  her  wheel.' ' 

The  salon  of  the  Russians  was  primarily  that 
of  the  Princess  Bagration.  This  woman,  the  wife 
of  the  field-marshal,  in  a  certain  sense  repre- 
sented her  countrymen  in  Vienna. 

At  one  of  the  soirees  given  by  the  princess  I 
sat  beside  the  Prince  Koslovski  and  the  Baron 
Ompteda,  and  felt  certain  that  both  would  find 
a  wide  field  for  their  biting  remarks  in  this  nu- 
merous circle. 

"Observe,"  said  the  baron,  "there  behind  the 
chair  of  Czar  Alexander  stands  his  brother  the 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS       87 

Grand  Duke  Constantine,  the  third  in  rank  in 
the  empire  and  probably  heir  to  the  throne. 
What  a  servile  attitude  he  assumes  toward  the 
czar!  With  what  affectation  he  exhibits  himself 
as  the  first  of  his  subjects!  One  might  actually 
regard  him  as  enthusiastically  for  servitude  as 
others  are  for  freedom." 

"Have  you  heard,"  said  the  Prince  Koslovski 
to  me,  "of  an  incident  which  brought  all  the  po- 
litical salons  in  uproar?  The  Baron  von  St — 
[probably  Stein]  standing  yonder,  beside  M. 
von  Hardenberg,  plays  the  leading  role.  Nat- 
urally violent  and  easily  excitable,  this  statesman, 
despite  his  contact  with  the  diplomatic  world  in 
which  he  lives,  has  never  been  able  to  moderate 
his  temper.  A  great  many  of  his  colleagues  have 
already  complained  of  him.  Eight  days  ago  the 
business  agent  of  a  petty  German  prince  had  him- 
self announced  to  the  baron.  The  latter  was  ex- 
ceedingly busy  and  wished  to  be  alone.  The  vis- 
itor entered  modestly  and  wished  to  speak  with 
that  respect  which  he  was  expected  to  show  the 
representative  of  a  great  power.  The  baron 
looked  up,  and,  without  asking  the  visitor  for  his 
name,  fell  suddenly  upon  him,  took  him  by  the 
collar,  and  threw  him  out  of  the  room.  All  this 
occurred  with  lightning-like  rapidly.  As  a  re- 
sult, explanations  were  demanded  by  the  insulted 
man.  The  violent-tempered  diplomat  had  to  ex- 


88      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

cuse  his  discourteous  action,  but  the  impression 
it  caused  had  not  yet  been  obliterated.  One  must 
admit  that  it  stands  in  tragic  contrast  to  the 
calmness  and  patience  which  the  arbiters  of 
our  fates  show  in  their  relations  with  one  an- 
other." 

I  had  promised  the  Prince  Ypsilanti  that  I 
would  call  for  him  and  visit  the  Princess  Suwarov 
with  him.  I  went  to  him  in  great  haste.  Ypsi- 
lanti at  this  time  was  actually  besieged  by  those 
frivolous  love  affairs  that  are  so  well  designed  to 
turn  a  young  head.  His  noble  military  form,  his 
tall,  lean  figure,  were  not  in  the  least  affected 
by  the  loss  of  his  arm. 

'  'Just  look,'  he  said  to  me,  and  held  out  a 
packet  of  letters.  'There  are  six  that  have  ar- 
rived since  yesterday  and  in  all  kinds  of  lan- 
guages, Italian,  French,  yes,  even  Greek.  My 
faith!  I  have  rendezvous  in  all  the  churches  of 
Vienna.  Come,  my  friends,'  he  continued,  'more 
weighty  matters  occupy  my  time;  let  us  talk  of 
Greece.'  " 

The  dejeuner  at  the  Princess  Suwarov's  was 
most  lively.  Among  the  women  of  high  Russian 
society  no  one  united  better  the  advantages  of 
intelligence  with  the  charms  of  a  mild  and  gra- 
cious soul.  We  amused  ourselves  by  discussing 
the  interesting  events  that  had  taken  place  in 
St.  Petersburg  since  my  departure  and  all  sorts 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS   89 

of  subjects  affecting  our  friends.  One  anecdote 
followed  another. 

Ypsilanti  listened  to  us  in  silence,  yet  that  ex- 
ultation, the  germ  of  which  he  had  carried  in  his 
soul  from  his  earliest  youth,  betrayed  itself  in  the 
brightness  of  his  eyes,  the  expression  of  his  face. 
Through  the  death  of  his  father  he  had  become 
heir  to  an  enormous  fortune.  Despite  the  fame 
that  he  had  won  in  war,  despite  the  seductiveness 
of  amusements  and  of  love,  he  centered  all  his 
thoughts,  all  his  dreams  for  the  future,  on  Greece, 
his  fatherland,  whose  serfdom  he  lamented,  and 
everywhere  he  sought  avengers  for  it. 

I  soon  observed  that  the  Princess  Suwarov  en- 
couraged him  in  these  hopes  for  freedom;  the 
whole  of  polite  Russian  society  was  pleased  to 
occupy  itself  with  this  idea,  which  had  been 
handed  down  from  generation  to  generation  for 
a  century  like  a  pious  humanitarian  legacy. 

"The  great  European  war,"  said  Prince  Ypsi- 
lanti, with  heat,  "has  ended;  the  era  of  Greece 
has  arrived.  Its  cause  will  become  that  of  the 
whole  Congress;  the  signal  for  its  independence 
must  be  given  from  Vienna." 

"Well,  then,"  said  the  princess,  "why  be  in- 
active? What  a  task  to  be  the  liberator  of  an 
oppressed  people  at  the  age  of  three  and  twenty ! 
Our  century  is  the  century  of  youth ;  youth  over- 
comes all  obstacles. 


90 

"The  Congress  cannot  be  deaf  to  the  voice  of 
religion  and  humanity.  Already  Greece  may 
count  on  many  avengers  in  the  Peloponnesus, 
the  two  principalities,  the  archipelago,  and  also 
at  other  localities.  Only  a  drop  more  and  the 
measure  is  full." 

I  was  to  pass  the  next  day  with  the  Prince  de 
Ligne  in  his  country  house  on  the  Kahlenberg. 
Upon  arriving  there  I  found  M.  de  Nowosiltzov, 
a  statesman  of  real  merit  who  possessed  the  con- 
fidence of  the  Czar  of  Russia  to  a  great  degree. 
At  that  time,  as  was  said,  the  czar  took  a  lively 
interest  in  the  future  of  Poland.  As  an  imperial 
counselor,  member  of  the  provisional  government 
at  Warsaw,  M.  de  Nowosiltzov  was  just  engaged 
in  preparing  a  constitution,  which  the  Czar  of 
Russia  wished  to  present  to  the  new  kingdom. 

The  Prince  de  Ligne  had  a  lively  interest  in 
Poland.  For  that  reason  he  listened  most  at- 
tentively to  the  discussion  of  the  plans  of  Alex- 
ander— plans  one  might  still  credit  at  that  time. 

"After  so  many  remarkable  efforts,"  said  M. 
de  Nowosiltzov,  "after  so  many  broken  hopes 
and  vain  sacrifices,  Poland  is  again  to  breathe 
freely.  The  care  of  the  czar  for  his  new  subjects 
cannot  be  called  into  question;  cast  a  glance  at 
this  manuscript.  It  is  the  constitution  of  the 
Kingdom  of  Poland.  Czar  Alexander  himself 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS       91 

improved  it.  You  will  see  thereby  that  there  is 
no  nobler  heart  than  his  when  great  thoughts 
come  from  the  heart.  The  laws  and  constitution 
of  the  kingdom  will  be  the  keystone  of  peace  in 
Europe." 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  any  of  the  extracts  that 
he  read  to  us  from  the  manuscript  honored  the 
statesman  as  much  as  the  friend  of  humanity. 

We  were  interrupted  during  the  commentary 
which  the  counselor  gave  us  after  his  reading  by 
the  visit  of  the  Count  Arthur  Potocki,  a  young 
friend  of  the  Prince  de  Ligne.  No  matter  how 
strongly  Polish  he  was  and  how  filled  with  noble 
thoughts  for  his  country,  yet  his  presence  caused 
M.  de  Nowosiltzov  to  roll  up  his  manuscript  with- 
out another  word ;  he  took  his  leave  soon  after. 

"I  bring  you,  my  Prince,"  said  the  young 
count,  "the  billets  to  the  imperial  carousal  which 
absolutely  Mall  take  place  during  next  week.  It 
will  be  one  of  the  most  imposing  dramas  that 
have  ever  been  seen."  Without  tarrying  longer 
he  left  us. 

"You  come,"  said  the  prince  to  me,  "in  order 
to  pass  a  few  hours  with  me  to-day  in  my  house 
on  the  Kahlenberg.  Before  we  go  thither  do  not 
refuse  to  visit  Isabey  with  me.  I  must  sit  to  him 
to-day  for  my  portrait.  During  this  hour  of 
martyrdom  you  may  muse  through  his  picture- 


92      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

gallery.  Come.  His  conversation  is  just  as  full 
of  spirit  as  his  brush." 

We  soon  reached  the  home  of  the  artist,  which 
was  located  in  the  Leopoldstadt.  Isabey  lived 
in  splendor,  as  once  Benvenuto  Cellini  had  in 
the  Louvre.  The  walls  of  his  atelier  were  entirely 
covered  with  sketches  of  his  paintings  and  out- 
lines of  paintings;  it  resembled  a  magic  lantern 
in  which  could  be  seen,  one  after  another,  all  the 
personages  of  the  Congress. 

M.  de  Talleyrand  had  given  him  the  idea,  as 
he  said,  of  coming  to  Vienna,  and  to  this  trip  art 
is  indebted  for  his  excellent  historical  sketch  that 
depicts  a  sitting  of  the  delegates  of  the  Congress. 
The  fall  of  Napoleon  had  caused  the  loss  of  all 
of  his  patronage.  One  day  in  the  workroom  of 
M.  de  Talleyrand,  who  had  contributed  substan- 
tially to  this  great  catastrophe,  he  lamented  the 
results  of  a  restoration  that  was  the  cause  of  his 
ruin.  Before  Talleyrand's  eyes  at  that  moment 
lay  a  copper-plate  engraving  of  the  Peace  of 
Westphalia  at  Minister,  after  the  painting  of 
Terborch.  He  pointed  to  it,  and  said  to  the  art- 
ist: 

"A  congress  is  about  to  be  opened  in  Vienna ; 
go  there." 

These  few  words  were  a  ray  of  hope  to  Isabey, 
and  his  decision  was  made.  M.  de  Talleyrand 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS       93 

encouraged  him  in  the  most  well-meaning  and 
flattering  manner. 

The  hour  during  which  the  prince  posed  seemed 
short  to  me.  His  portrait  had  progressed  far 
enough  to  permit  the  likeness  to  be  criticized.  I 
paid  the  artist  my  compliments.  All  those  who 
knew  this  marvelous  aged  man  recognized  him 
wholly  in  his  portrait. 

Soon  thereafter  we  joyfully  began  our  little 
journey.  On  the  way  we  discussed  the  Viennese 
amusements. 

"In  order  to  describe  adequately  the  fairy-like 
fetes  that  follow  one  upon  the  other,"  said  the 
Prince  de  Ligne,  "should  not  one  be  a  poetic  ma- 
gician like  Ariosto?  Truly,  I  should  not  be  sur- 
prised if  the  entertainment  committee  shortly 
caused  the  announcement  to  be  made  in  all  cities 
and  villages  of  the  monarchy  that  a  prize  will  be 
awarded  the  lucky  person  who  succeeds  in  in- 
venting a  new  pleasure  for  the  monarchs  assem- 
bled here." 

At  these  words  we  entered  the  court  of  his 
modest  residence.  The  house  was  small,  but  com- 
fortable. The  Prince  de  Ligne  had  succeeded 
without  difficulty  in  fulfilling  the  wish  of  Socra- 
tes, of  having  none  but  true  friends  here.  The 
side  of  the  house  that  stands  opposite  the  Dan- 
ube is  covered  with  French  verses  of  which  he  is 


94      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

the  author;  one  of  these  clearly  reflects  the  calm 
of  his  noble  soul : 

Sans  remords,  sans  regrets,  sans  crainte,  sans  envie. 
(Without   remorse,    without   regrets,  without   fear, 
without  envy.) 

"I  feel  so  greatly  the  emptiness  of  virtually 
everything,"  he  repeated  often,  "that  it  cannot  be 
credited  to  me  as  a  great  virtue  if  I  am  neither 
envious  nor  malicious  nor  desirous  of  fame." 

Thereupon  he  led  me  into  his  garden. 

"I  should  depart  from  the  practice  of  every 
proprietor  if  I  did  not  begin  by  showing  you  all 
the  details  of  my  principality,"  he  said,  "but  as 
my  house  and  its  environs  are  small,  this  will  not 
take  much  time.  Nevertheless,  here  I  am  able 
at  last  to  enjoy  my  own  self,  having  escaped  the 
tumult  of  festivities  and  the  exhaustion  of  amuse- 
ments. Here  the  air  refreshens  me,  here  I  gain 
new  powers,  which  I  use  up  again  every  night 
in  the  unending  intoxication  of  joy  of  the  Con- 
gress." 

It  was  three  o'clock;  in  a  small  room  adjoin- 
ing the  library  were  served  a  few  bits  that  the 
prince  himself  had  brought  with  him.  We  seated 
ourselves  and  began  one  of  the  most  pleasing  din- 
ners that  lives  in  my  memory.  The  prince  told 
stories  freely,  and  he  narrated  well  and  with 
charm. 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS   95 

The  Empress  of  Austria  was  in  a  certain  sense 
the  soul  of  these  balls,  banquets,  reunions,  and 
masquerades.  Born  in  Italy  as  a  member  of  the 
famous  house  of  Este,  lauded  by  both  Ariosto 
and  Tasso,  she  had  inherited  taste  and  talent  for 
all  the  arts  from  her  ancestors.  She  possessed 
extraordinary  goodness.  Her  lively  fantasy  oc- 
cupied itself  with  the  details  of  these  festivals. 
Two  French  artists,  M.  Isabey  and  M.  Moreau, 
the  latter  an  architect  of  significant  gifts,  assisted 
her  in  originating  and  arranging  the  fetes.  She 
designed  and  gave  commands,  and  it  was  the  task 
of  the  artists  to  realize  her  happy,  charming  ideas. 

Among  her  favorite  amusements  was  the  giv- 
ing of  theatrical  performances  in  her  salons.  She 
herself  was  the  impresario,  and  spared  no  pains 
to  bring  together  an  assembly  of  actors  from 
among  the  members  of  society. 

This  morning  I  called  on  Prince  Eugene  de 
Beauharnais.  We  had  known  each  other  since 
my  youth,  and  on  all  the  occasions  that  brought 
me  near  him  in  Paris,  Milan,  and  Vienna,  I,  like 
all  his  friends,  had  access  anew  to  his  unselfish 
heart  and  his  friendly  spirit. 

He  was  ailing;  I  remarked  that  his  health  suf- 
fered under  the  influence  of  mental  sorrows. 
How  many  poignant  sorrows  he  had  to  suffer! 
The  misfortune  of  France,  the  downfall  of  Na- 


96      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

poleon,  the  loss  of  brilliant  rank,  and  the  death 
of  a  worshiped  mother  all  in  the  course  of  a  few 
months ! 

His  position  in  Vienna  had  something  forced 
and  unreal  about  it.  It  was  a  source  of  continued 
discomfort  to  him.  Diplomatic  inquiries  had  pre- 
ceded his  reception;  for  this  he  thanked  the  in- 
fluence of  the  King  of  Bavaria,  his  father-in- 
law,  and  the  interest  of  Czar  Alexander.  But 
one  could  not  forget  that  he  was  the  adopted  son 
of  Napoleon,  and  it  was  known  that  he  could 
never  disguise  his  noble  character,  and  that  he 
surely  would  use  his  whole  influence  in  behalf  of 
a  man  who  had  been  his  patron.  His  position 
between  the  victorious  powers  who  triumphed 
by  the  misfortune  of  France  and  the  representa- 
tives of  the  government  of  the  Bourbons  seemed 
to  leave  him  standing  isolated  in  the  middle  of 
this  stream  of  amusements. 

I  passed  the  evening  in  the  salon  of  the  Coun- 
tess Fuchs.  As  always,  a  great  many  persons 
were  present ;  happily,  I  was  able  to  find  a  place 
beside  Baron  Ompteda.  None  understood  so 
well  as  he  how  to  sketch  a  portrait  with  a  few 
strokes.  His  tongue,  however,  was  feared  as 
much  as  his  sketches. 

"Since  your  departure,"  he  said  to  me,  "Vienna 
has  suffered  a  siege  and  a  hostile  occupation; 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS       97 

despite  that  you  will  observe  no  great  changes. 
The  ridiculous  things  have  remained  unchanged, 
which  bespeaks  the  immobility  of  the  Austrian 
Government.  They  merely  strike  the  eye  more 
sharply  now  in  view  of  the  progressive  enlight- 
enment of  the  century. 

"Even  the  salons  are  still  as  you  left  them; 
this  one  especially  is,  as  formerly,  the  gathering- 
place  of  the  friends  of  our  charming  queen.  No 
title  was  ever  more  deserved  than  this,  and  never 
have  subjects  sought  to  throw  off  her  yoke. 

"Nostitz  is  just  entering  there  with  Borel. 
Nostitz  has  only  one  fault;  I  believe  he  lives  in 
a  cab.  At  any  hour,  whether  one  is  in  the  Graben, 
in  the  Prater,  or  on  the  bastions,  he  is  to  be  seen 
driving  by.  He  is  half  man,  half  vehicle,  as  once 
the  centaurs  were  half  man,  half  horse. 

"Gentz  also  is  present.  He  holds  all  the  se- 
crets of  Europe  in  his  hands;  soon  he  will  also 
be  the  possessor  of  all  the  European  orders.  He 
is  one  of  the  organs  of  that  silent  organism  which 
we  call  the  Austrian  Government.  Perhaps  his 
manifests,  his  newspaper  articles,  and  his  procla- 
mations have  been  just  as  disastrous  to  Napoleon 
as  the  ice  of  Russia.  But  honors  and  orders  do 
not  satisfy  him  as  remuneration.  The  monarchs 
know  that  he  also  loves  money;  they  give  it  to 
him  in  sufficiency.  Bowed  down  by  tasks  and 


98      A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

affairs,  cut  off  from  all  entertainments,  he  tries 
to  find  forgetfulness  by  plunging  into  the  whirl- 
pool of  the  world." 

One  of  the  most  painful  events  of  my  life,  the 
death  of  the  Prince  de  Ligne,  threw  a  shadow 
over  all  the  festivities  at  the  Congress,  and  the 
impression  that  this  unexpected  event  made  was 
marked  and  painful. 

Mourning  for  the  noble  dead  was  not  officially 
announced;  but  it  was  general,  nevertheless,  for 
it  came  from  the  heart.  For  long  years  the  Vien- 
nese had  regarded  the  Prince  de  Ligne  with  re- 
spect and  wonder,  feelings  that  were  heightened 
by  the  enthusiasm  of  strangers  for  him.  Without 
doubt  they  recalled  how  much  Emperor  Francis 
had  loved  him,  what  fame  these  men  unitedly 
achieved  in  their  wars,  and  the  confidential  rela- 
tion that  he  had  enjoyed  with  all  the  personages 
of  the  last  century. 

A  few  days  later  sincere  tears  were  shed  in 
memory  of  the  Prince  de  Ligne.  A  solemn  re- 
quiem was  said  for  the  marshal  as  Knight  of  the 
Golden  Fleece  in  the  royal  chapel.  All  his  friends, 
his  family,  and  his  admirers  attended.  This  nu- 
merous and  grief-stricken  crowd  proved  clearly 
that  the  famous  man  had  not  gone  to  his  grave 
forgotten. 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS  99 

As  I  passed  through  the  Graben  I  found  here, 
as  always,  a  crowd  of  pedestrians  and  gossips. 
I  joined  one  of  these  groups.  An  event  given 
by  M.  von  Metternich  was  the  subject  of  con- 
versation. 

"The  arrangements,"  said  one,  "were  rich  and 
tasteful,  as  always;  and  yet  there  was  never  a 
more  icy  company.  The  sovereigns  were  ex- 
pected ;  all  had  promised  to  honor  the  event  with 
their  presence,  but  not  a  single  one  appeared. 
Every  one  is  lost  in  conjecture  about  it." 

"Then  the  brothers,  who  are  otherwise  so 
agreed,  proved  themselves  Cains?"  said  another. 
"They  had  sworn  to  give  the  lie  to  the  proverb 
that  the  kings  cannot  agree." 

"Yes,  the  horizon  darkens,  if  we  may  speak 
after  the  manner  of  our  newspapers.  I  have 
heard  it  said  that  there  are  new  disagreements  in 
the  Congress ;  also  there  is  talk  about  the  assem- 
bly of  troops  in  Poland  under  the  supreme  com- 
mand of  the  Grand  Duke  Constantine.  But  no 
eye  can  penetrate  the  veil  behind  which  the  polit- 
ical reports  are  hidden.  Even  the  insignificant 
events,  the  visits  which  the  monarchs  pay  one 
another,  and  the  exchange  of  decorations  with 
which  they  most  usefully  brighten  their  leisure 
hours  or  divert  their  cares — everything  is  in  ob- 
scurity." 


100    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

I  proceeded  in  the  evening  to  the  Leopoldstadt 
theater  with  a  few  friends  in  order  to  attend  the 
performance  of  a  little  play,  "The  Visitors  in 
Vienna,"  which  usually  drew  a  full  house.  At 
seven  o'clock  we  had  procured  tickets  with  great 
effort  and  entered  the  hall,  which  was  already 
filled.  The  play  deserved  its  success.  The  art 
of  the  actor  Scholz,  who  excelled  in  it,  as  well 
as  a  number  of  spirited  references,  found  much 
approval.  All  the  nations  of  Europe,  united  in 
Vienna  by  amusement,  played  their  parts  therein. 

"Peace,  which  has  been  banned  from  the  con- 
siderations of  the  Congress,  has  fled  to  the  stage," 
said  Prince  Koslovski.  "Is  it  not  a  choice  picture 
when  you  consider  that  the  nations  of  Europe 
give  one  another  the  hand  of  friendship  on  the 
Leopoldstadt  stage  and  dance  a  ballet  together, 
while  their  representatives,  not  far  from  here, 
are  ready  to  precipitate  themselves  into  a  hand- 
to-hand  fight?" 

In  the  whole  city  nothing  was  a  more  frequent 
topic  of  conversation  than  the  fire  that  one  night 
deprived  the  capital  of  Austria  of  one  of  its  most 
beautiful  decorations,  the  palace  of  Prince  Ra- 
zumowski.  In  the  evening  a  mot  of  M.  de  Talley- 
rand was  repeated  everywhere.  He  was  just 
about  to  begin  his  toilet  when  he  was  told  of  the 
unfortunate  occurrence. 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS    101 

"That  is  a  mild  punishment  for  the  good  for- 
tune of  being  a  courtier,"  was  his  comment,  and 
calmly  he  placed  his  coiffure  in  the  hands  of 
his  valet. 

A  short  time  later  the  Countess  Zichy  gave  a 
great  ball  which  the  monarchs  wrere  to  honor  with 
their  presence.  The  assembly  of  the  Countess 
Zichy  was  brilliant  and  one  of  the  best  attended 
that  had  been  seen  in  a  long  time.  All  the  mon- 
archs had  come;  they  had  been  expected  with 
impatience.  Their  expressions  were  carefully 
observed,  and  every  one  sought  to  read  their  most 
secret  thoughts.  When  they  were  seen  to  be  in 
agreement  pleasure  was  depicted  on  all  faces. 
For  several  days  the  report  had  spread,  and  also 
seemed  to  be  confirmed,  that  all  the  questions  of 
the  Congress,  even  the  most  difficult  ones,  had 
finally  been  decided,  and  that  complete  una- 
nimity prevailed  among  the  lords  of  the  earth  who 
had  been  in  disagreement.  Public  announcement 
of  certain  significant  decisions  and  general  peace, 
it  was  said,  would  greet  the  new  year. 

In  the  meantime  a  large  orchestra  had  begun 
a  polonaise  in  a  charming  manner.  Czar  Alex- 
ander, according  to  his  custom,  was  at  the  head 
of  the  dancing  column.  His  partner  was  the 
Princess  of  Paar,  just  as  celebrated  through  her 
charms  as  through  the  refinement  of  her  spirit. 
The  clock  announced  midnight ;  the  new  year  be- 


102    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

gan.  It  is  well  known  that  Austria  has  retained 
the  honored  custom  of  our  fathers  of  greeting 
the  first  hour  of  the  new  year  with  mutual  felici- 
tations. At  the  stroke  of  the  hour  the  princess 
stood  still,  turned  to  the  Czar  of  Russia,  and 
said: 

"I  am  happy,  Sire,  to  be  the  first  to  bring 
good  wishes  for  the  new  year  to  so  great  a  mon- 
arch. May  your  Majesty  permit  me  to  plead  on 
behalf  of  all  Europe  for  the  preservation  of  a 
general  peace  and  the  agreement  of  all  peoples?" 

Wishes  expressed  by  such  a  beautiful  mouth 
could  not  fail  to  be  well  received.  The  czar  re- 
ceived the  petition  and  the  petitioner  with  appre- 
ciation. He  responded  that  all  his  hopes  and 
wishes  were  directed  toward  reaching  this  de- 
sired goal,  and  that  no  sacrifice  was  too  great 
to  enable  him  to  make  a  peace,  which  was  the  first 
need  of  mankind. 

An  enormous  circle  had  formed.  When  the 
czar  concluded,  the  women  broke  into  a  little 
hurrah,  a  little  triumph  that  did  not  seem  to 
displease  the  czar.  For  in  addition  to  other  char- 
acteristics of  Louis  Le  Grand,  he  attempted  also 
to  combine  his  dignified  bearing  with  the  most  re- 
fined conduct.  The  orchestra  resumed  the  inter- 
rupted melody,  and  the  polonaise  was  ended  amid 
murmurs  of  approval  and  expressions  of  admira- 
tion. 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS   103 

One  of  the  most  unusual  of  the  affairs  given 
during  the  Congress  of  Vienna  was  probably  the 
dinner,  or  picnic,  to  which  Admiral  Sidney  Smith 
invited  the  princes,  the  personages,  and  the  hu- 
manitarians who  at  that  time  sojourned  within 
the  walls  of  Vienna. 

Sir  William  Sidney  Smith,  British  admiral,  had  vir- 
tually closed  his  distinguished  naval  career  in  1814. 
He  entered  the  navy,  as  he  expressed  it,  "at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  American  War,"  when  he  was  eleven  years 
old.  He  served  against  the  French  and  the  Turks,  and 
in  1799  captured  Napoleon's  flotilla  before  St.  Jean 
d'Acre  -and  raised  the  siege.  He  was  first  employed  by 
the  King  of  Sweden  in  the  war  with  Russia  in  1790- 
1792,  and  it  was  in  the  interest  of  Sweden  that  he 
appeared  at  the  Congress. 

Admiral  Smith  regarded  the  Congress  of 
Vienna  as  an  excellent  opportunity  to  develop 
the  activity  of  his  spirit.  He  was  therefore  one 
of  the  first  to  proceed  to  Vienna.  The  admiral 
called  himself  the  plenipotentiary  of  Gustavus 
Adolphus,  the  former  King  of  Sweden,  who  un- 
der the  title  of  the  Duke  of  Holstein  had  dele- 
gated Smith  to  demand  the  return  of  his  lost 
crown.  This  honorable  commission  he  owed  to 
his  capacity  of  former  officer  of  the  Swedish  ma- 
rine and  knight  of  the  Order  of  the  Swords. 


'104  A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Immediately  after  the  opening  of  the  sessions 
of  the  Congress  Sir  Sidney  Smith  hastened  to 
place  the  cause  of  his  eminent  client  before  the 
highest  court  in  Europe.  The  moment  seemed 
to  have  been  well  chosen;  the  words  "justice," 
"reparation,"  and  "legitimacy"  were  daily  ac- 
claimed scrupulously.  When  the  unthroned  mon- 
arch placed  this  matter  before  the  consciences  of 
the  princes  through  Sir  Sidney  Smith,  he  was 
attempting  to  fight  them  with  their  own  weap- 
ons. But  in  politics  the  most  logical  grounds  are 
not  always  the  most  successful.  Days  and  months 
passed  without  the  slightest  reference  to  a  res- 
toration of  the  scepter  to  the  dethroned  king. 

The  arrangements  for  the  picnic,  however, 
found  fewer  difficulties.  In  the  Vienna  confer- 
ence, which  seemed  to  have  for  their  motto  that 
the  little  should  be  robbed  for  the  benefit  of  the 
great,  it  was  easier  to  bring  about  any  sort  of 
entertainment  than  to  accomplish  the  restoration 
of  a  throne.  The  object  of  this  general  invita- 
tion was  a  subscription,  at  the  head  of  which  the 
admiral  had  placed  his  own  name.  The  mon- 
archs  had  accepted  the  invitation  and,  it  was  de- 
clared, subscribed  with  great  avidity. 

All  had  wished  to  express  their  approval  of 
Sir  Sidney  Smith's  humanitarian  plans  by  their 
signatures  and  to  testify  to  this  by  attendance  at 
his  picnic — all,  with  the  exception  of  two,  the 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS   105 

Emperor  Francis  and  the  King  of  Wiirtemberg. 
The  former  was  kept  from  attending  the  festival 
through  an  inopportune  event;  he  had,  however, 
subscribed  a  thousand  ducats.  The  latter  had 
left  Vienna  two  days  before,  and  his  defiant  de- 
parture was  the  subject  of  all  conversations. 

Domineering  and  impetuous  by  nature,  King 
Frederick  of  Wiirtemberg  endured  the  tedious- 
ness  of  the  conferences  with  impatience.  At  so- 
cial functions  he  appeared  virtually  always  with 
either  an  apprehensive  or  a  discontented  look. 
There  was  soon  an  occasion  at  which  the  full  im- 
petuosity of  his  character  stood  revealed.  Among 
the  many  demands  for  reparation  which  were 
submitted  for  the  decision  of  the  Congress,  was 
also  that  of  the  nobility  of  Germany,  which  had 
sent  its  deputies  to  obtain  the  restoration  of  its 
former  position  and  its  former  rights.  At  a 
conference  which  his  Majesty  the  King  of  Wiir- 
temberg attended  these  demands  were  discussed 
and  the  restoration  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire 
was  touched  upon.  The  king  controlled  himself 
only  with  effort.  When  the  delegates  began  to 
speak  of  the  measures  that  they  considered  expe- 
dient in  order  to  limit  the  prerogatives  of  the  sov- 
ereigns, he  jumped  from  his  chair  as  if  beside 
himself.  Before  him  stood  a  table  that  unfor- 
tunately lacked  the  curved  opening  which  had 
been  provided  at  the  imperial  table  in  order  to 


106    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

accommodate  his  unusual  girth.  As  the  mon- 
arch rose,  his  rotund  proportions  caused  the  ta- 
ble to  upset  with  a  loud  crash.  The  angry  mood 
of  the  king  was  only  heightened  thereby ;  without 
delay  he  departed,  hastened  to  his  house,  and  on 
the  same  night  left  the  capital  of  Austria,  after 
having  insisted  to  his  plenipotentiaries  that  all 
demands  of  the  nobility  must  be  repudiated  with- 
out reservation. 

Who  has  not  already  tried  to  describe  M.  von 
Metternich  ?  As  in  the  case  of  M.  de  Talleyrand, 
his  contemporaries  concede  him  all  the  glory  that 
history  gives  him.  Although  more  accomplished 
hands  than  mine  already  have  drawn  his  por- 
trait, I  am  not  able  to  withstand  the  impulse  to 
describe  him  according  to  the  judgment  which  I 
formed  of  him  in  the  midst  of  the  dazzling  power 
and  the  diplomatic  reserve  in  which  he  had  moved 
since  youth. 

It  was  still  possible  at  that  time  to  take  M. 
von  Metternich  for  a  young  man.  His  features 
were  pleasing  and  entirely  regular ;  his  smile  was 
seductive;  his  face  expressed  shrewdness  and  a 
kindly  disposition.  He  was  of  middling  stature, 
well  built,  and  his  stride  had  something  noble  and 
elegant  about  it.  At  the  first  glance  one  was 
pleasantly  surprised  to  find  in  him  one  of  those 
men  whom  nature  has  richly  endowed  in  order 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS   107 

to  insure  them  success  in  society.  If,  however, 
his  physiognomy  was  carefully  scrutinized,  a  cer- 
tain malleability  and  yet  firmness  became  notice- 
able ;  and  upon  observing  his  penetrating  glance, 
no  one  could  have  any  doubt  of  his  extraordi- 
nary political  talents.  In  him  was  recognized 
the  statesman  who  was  used  to  leading  men  and 
affairs  of  the  greatest  import. 

In  the  course  of  the  thirty  years  that  M.  von 
Metternich  has  participated  in  the  gigantic  up- 
heavals which  have  stirred  all  Europe  he  has  pre- 
served the  unusual  versatility  of  his  spirit,  his 
extraordinary  penetration,  and  his  comprehen- 
sive understanding,  which  foresees  events  and 
directs  them.  His  judgment,  the  fruit  of  long 
reflection,  is  irrevocable,  and  his  word  is  final,  as 
is  fitting  in  a  statesman  who  has  confidence  in 
the  power  of  his  words.  Above,  all,  M.  von  Met- 
ternich is  one  of  the  best  raconteurs  of  our  time. 
There  was  a  tendency  to  discard  his  political 
methods  on  the  ground  that  they  followed  too 
much  the  laws  of  immobility.  Surely  a  spirit  as 
cultivated  as  his  will  have  understood  that  it  is 
not  in  the  destiny  of  men  to  remain  always  at  the 
same  level,  and  that  standing  still  in  our  century 
means  nothing  less  than  retrogression.  But  it  is 
likely  also  that  he  comprehends  well  enough  that 
upheavals  are  not  always  steps  to  progress,  and 
that  in  leading  men  it  is  necessary  to  have  con- 


108    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

sideration  for  their  habits  and  their  actual  needs. 
Even  if  the  moment  has  not  come  for  passing 
final  judgment  on  M.  von  Metternich,  contem 
porary  history  must  content  itself  with  placing 
beyond  doubt  the  peaceful  and  cloudless  good 
fortune  which  his  calm  and  undisturbed  leader- 
ship guaranteed  the  hereditary  states  of  Austria. 
This  good  fortune,  which  is  sufficient  for  him, 
justifies  his  claim  to  renown. 

Accident  had  again  brought  me  together  with 
Baron  Ompteda. 

"What  news?"  I  asked  him. 

"Everything  L  concluded,  or  nearly  ready  to 
be  concluded.  Europe  has  to  thank  the  depar- 
ture of  Lord  Castlereagh  for  the  happy  outcome 
of  the  negotiations." 

"My  lord  was,  therefore,  the  only  obstacle  to 
peace?" 

"Far  from  it.  For  four  months  the  delegates 
have  conferred  without  coming  to  an  agreement. 
Suddenly  Lord  Castlereagh  is  called  to  England 
to  attend  the  opening  of  Parliament.  You  will 
understand  that  he  could  not  appear  there  with- 
out at  least  bringing  some  news  from  the  Conti- 
nent. He  therefore  gave  the  negotiations  a  new 
turn,  hurried  the  progress  of  the  conferences, 
and  sped  up  the  results.  Why  have  not  the  other 
nations  also  parliaments  that  must  be  opened? 


A  FAMOUS  WIT  AT  THE  CONGRESS   109 

"The  Austrian  court  goes  on  most  compla- 
cently," continued  the  baron.  "The  European 
Congress  has  decided  the  fate  of  Naples  and  its 
improvised  king,  Joachim.  The  throne  is  to  be 
restored  to  the  Bourbons.  It  is  probably  known 
to  you  that  the  imperial  chancery  has  determined 
not  to  make  an  official  announcement  of  the  death 
of  Queen  Christine  for  the  reason  that  it  did  not 
know  what  title  to  give  her.  No\\  that  obstacle 
is  removed. 

"Prince  Koslovski  has  just  confirmed  the  sig- 
nificant news  that  I  had  received  this  morning 
from  Prince  Ypsilanti.  Napoleon  has  actually 
left  the  Island  of  Elba.  The  master  and  pris- 
oner of  Europe,  as  he  has  been  called,  fled  from 
his  prison  armed  with  his  fame,  and  entrusted 
Caesar  and  his  fortune  to  a  light  vessel."  The 
highly  placed  judges  of  the  Congress  desire  that 
this  news  shall  not  be  generally  known  until  they 
have  adopted  measures  which  are  called  for  by 
the  seriousness  of  the  situation. 

Either  the  secret  was  kept,  or  the  whirl  of 
amusements  won  a  victory  over  this  grave  news, 
for  the  city  of  Vienna  retained  its  usual  appear- 
ance. The  walls  and  the  Leopoldstadt,  which 
leads  to  the  Prater,  were  filled  with  pedestrians, 
who  longed  for  the  first  rays  of  the  sun.  Nothing 
suggested  that  the  thunder-clap  had  reached 


110    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

here;  everywhere  joy  and  a  care-free  spirit 
reigned. 

Full  five  long  days  Vienna  remained  without 
further  reports.  The  festivities  and  amusements 
continued  as  before.  At  last  it  was  impossible 
to  doubt  longer;  the  thunder-storm  broke.  Na- 
poleon was  in  France.  This  adventurer,  as  Pozzo 
di  Borgo  dared  to  call  him,  had  been  received  by 
the  French  people.  The  soldiers  rushed  toward 
their  general;  nothing  hindered  his  triumphal 
march. 

The  high  personages  happened  to  be  gathered 
at  a  ball  of  M.  von  Metternich  when  the  news  of 
Napoleon's  landing  in  Cannes  and  of  his  first 
successes  arrived.  The  news  spread  with  the 
speed  of  an  electrical  spark.  The  waltz  was  in- 
terrupted ;  vainly  the  orchestra  continued  to  play. 
Czar  Alexander  approached  the  Prince  de  Tal- 
leyrand. 

"I  told  you  that  this  would  not  last,"  he  said. 

The  French  ambassador  bowed  with  unmoved 
countenance  and  without  answering. 

The  King  of  Prussia  beckoned  to  the  Duke  of 
Wellington;  both  left  the  ball-room.  Immedi- 
ately after  them  followed  Czar  Alexander,  Em- 
peror Francis,  and  M.  von  Metternich. 


CHAPTER   III 
TALES  OUT  OF  SCHOOL 

FROM   THE   NOTES   OF   BARON   VON    NOSTITZ 

Karl,  Baron  von  Nostitz,  was  a  man  of  the  world 
whose  characteristics  are  clearly  reflected  in  his  notes 
on  the  Congress.  He  was  concerned  principally  with 
personality,  and  had  a  wholesome  contempt  for  the 
bickerings  of  the  princes  and  the  intrigues  of  the  diplo- 
mats. He  was  born  in  Dresden,  but  his  career  took  him 
into  many  fields.  He  was  known  as  one  of  the  tallest 
men  of  his  time,  and  this  led  in  part  to  his  appointment 
as  adjutant  to  Prince  Louis  Ferdinand  of  Prussia.  He 
fought  at  the  latter's  side  at  Saalfeld,  and  when  the 
prince  was  killed  attempted  to  recover  his  body  from 
the  French;  but  in  vain.  In  1812  he  fought  in  the 
Austrian  Army  as  a  major,  and  in  1813  joined  the 
Russo-German  Legion  of  the  Russian  Army.  He  at- 
tended the  Congress  as  a  member  of  the  suite  of  the 
czar.  He  fought  in  the  war  against  the  Turks  in  1828 
and  against  the  Poles  in  1831.  He  was  made  a  lieuten- 
ant-general for  his  services  at  Ostrolenka,  and  was 
wounded  in  the  attack  on  Warsaw.  He  died  in  1838. 

Ill 


112    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 
TALES   OUT   OF   SCHOOL 

VIENNA,  December,  1814. 

THE  princes  gladly  throw  off  the  restrictive 
etiquette  of  the  courts,  and  seek  entertainment 
at  promenades  and  in  little  circles  where  out- 
ward show  does  not  prevail,  something  that 
rarely  happens  in  the  events  at  court.  Most 
often  the  Czar  of  Russia  and  the  King  of  Prus- 
sia meet  on  the  bastions  at  noon,  and  also  at  the 
soirees,  of  which  they  visit  most  frequently  that 
at  the  house  of  Minister  Zichy,  although  always 
unannounced.  For  these  long  evening  visits  the 
beautiful  daughter-in-law  of  the  house,  the 
Countess  Zichy,  seems  to  be  the  magnet  which 
attracts  even  the  habitual  coldness  and  reserve 
of  the  king;  and  following  the  example  of  Czar 
Alexander,  he  is  often  observed  as  most  de- 
voted to  the  women. 

Emperor  Francis  lives  in  his  own  way,  and 
appears  only,  as  is  customary,  in  public  places, 
or  where  etiquette  or  his  courtesies  as  host  de- 
mand his  presence. 

Since  the  last  carousal,  moreover,  the  great 
court  events  have  ended,  and  the  monarchs  meet 
now  only  at  small  affairs,  to  which  one  attempts 
to  give  an  air  of  greater  freedom  by  concerts, 
tableaux,  and  stage  romances  presented  by  men 
and  women  of  society. 


TALES  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  113 

So  far  as  the  actual  work  and  diplomatic 
progress  of  the  Congress  is  concerned,  it  has  not 
yet  produced  a  single  significant  result.  Se- 
cretly, hidden  behind  velvet  and  purple  robes, 
antagonistic  spirits  fight  one  another  with  the 
daggers  of  intrigue. 

Politics  here  also  appears  to  be  a  matter  of 
partizanship  and  petty  greed,  partly  because  of 
ill-will,  more  often  because  of  the  great  differ- 
ence in  opinion  of  the  negotiators  who  are  as- 
sembled here.  This  makes  them  ill  tempered 
and  distrustful,  and  the  princely  spectators  are 
more  and  more  disinclined  to  unite  in  the  field 
of  diplomacy,  where  rights  are  attacked  now  by 
this  one,  now  by  that  one,  in  a  manner  that  would 
never  be  permitted  on  another  sort  of  field. 
Therefore,  the  presence  of  the  princes  does  not 
seem  to  result  in  any  advantage,  and  if  by  a  sud- 
den and  unforeseen  turn  of  events  it  does  not 
become  as  healing  and  rich  in  blessings  as  the 
light  of  the  sun,  the  princes  will  have  met  for  no 
good  purpose,  and  will  part  with  regret  and  dis- 
gust, with  aversion  and  ill  will  against  the  min- 
isters, to  get  rid  of  their  venom  at  the  first 
pretext. 

The  men  who  stand  highest  in  this  sinister 
fight  in  versatility  of  spirit  and  creative  strength 
that  continually  devises  new  methods  are  Czar 
Alexander  and  Prince  Metternich. 


114    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Years  ago  public  opinion  united  to  praise  the 
just  and  upright  qualities  of  Czar  Alexander; 
called  him  a  reve  chevalier,  and  by  this  compli- 
mentary term  attempted  to  cloak  a  defect  in 
character.  Within  the  last  few  years  the  public 
had  more  and  more  arrived  at  a  different  view; 
the  Congress  has  now  confirmed  this  verdict,  and 
the  czar  appears  as  a  shrewd  man  with  a  serious 
object,  losing  much  of  his  illusory  character. 
His  plan  seems  to  be  to  confuse  opinion  by  im- 
partiality and  apparent  resignation,  for  he  al- 
ways showrs  himself  at  promenades  and  at  other 
public  places  arm  in  arm  with  the  most  insignifi- 
cant persons,  whose  only  qualities  are  appear- 
ance and  a  youthful  deference,  and,  despite  all 
their  outward  graciousness,  are  known  as  narrow 
and  inexperienced.  To  these  belong  Moritz 
Woina,  who  stands  highest  in  favor,  the  little 
Liechtenstein,  and  other  young  men. 

Metternich  acquired  so  much  cunning  and 
subtlety  in  England  that  the  Russians,  whose 
czar  lost  his  time  there  with  the  prince  regent 
and  the  ministers,  regard  him  as  a  very  versatile 
and  shrewd  diplomat.  Mystification  is  one  of  the 
natural  attributes  of  this  minister,  for  he  often 
carries  it  to  a  disconcerting  extreme  in  social  in- 
tercourse, and  has  developed  it  to  such  a  state 
of  perfection  in  office  that  with  gentleness  and  an 


TALES  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  115 

easy  manner  it  offsets  Austria's  weakness  else- 
where. 

Talleyrand  is  less  able  to  make  himself  felt, 
and  it  seems  as  if  in  our  time  we  shall  see  all  the 
glamour  fall  from  the  French.  It  is  remarked 
that  his  politics  is  no  longer  worth  anything,  as 
it  is  not  reinforced  by  400,000  bayonets.  Actu- 
ally this  minister  has  accomplished  nothing,  but 
by  much  clever  intrigue  he  keeps  separated  parts 
[lands]  which  France  would  not  like  to  see 
united.  "I  want  nothing  for  myself,"  he  said. 
"France  also  demands  nothing;  I  am  here  only 
to  maintain  the  political  principles  and  to  prevent 
their  being  attacked." 

Despite  this  speech  it  is  suspected  that  he  car- 
ries instructions  for  some  definite  purpose,  but 
he  has  not  yet  achieved  any.  Is  it  not  worth  be- 
lieving that  Louis  XVIII  sets  store  by  putting 
the  Bourbons  again  on  the  throne  of  Naples? 
Must  one  not  think  of  that  old  interest  of  France 
— the  desire  to  see  itself  surrounded  only  by 
petty  princes? 

Nesselrode  might  play  a  very  important  part 
in  representing  the  point  of  view  of  his  mon- 
arch, but  the  presence  and  personal  activity  of 
the  latter  places  the  minister  in  the  subordinate 
role  of  an  ambassador,  who  is  everything  only 
because  of  his  master,  and  is  ruled  by  him  even 
down  to  his  diplomatic  notes. 


116    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

The  understanding  and  wisdom  of  the  Portu- 
guese ambassadors,  Lobo,  Saldanha,  and  Pal- 
mella,  are  universally  praised.  Possessing  a 
great  deal  of  information  about  each  of  their  spe- 
cial interests,  they  enter  into  the  discussion  only 
so  far  as  it  relates  to  their  own  case. 

VIENNA,  December,  1814. 
If  one  penetrates  behind  the  smooth,  decep- 
tive exterior  to  the  spirit  that  moves  this  elevated 
drama  of  the  great  assembly  of  princes,  one  finds 
vicious  intrigue  instead  of  frankness,  envy  in 
place  of  confidence,  meanness  in  place  of  lib- 
erality. It  is  hardly  known  why  the  monarchs 
have  assembled  here.  Some  assert  that  it  is  for 
the  restoration  of  the  royalistic  principle,  and 
the  resulting  reintroduction  into  their  countries 
of  the  lords  who  were  unjustly  forced  out.  This 
principle  is  to  put  Frederick  August  [King  of 
Saxony]  back  on  the  throne.  Russia,  on  the 
other  hand,  says,  f(Que  s'il  y  avail  un  malheur,  il 
valait  mieuoc  celui  de  la  dynastie  que  du  pays" 
["If  there  is  a  misfortune,  better  that  of  the 
dynasty  than  of  the  country."]  The  Prussians 
declare  that  it  is  not  merely  a  case  of  the  ruler, 
but  also  that  of  the  country,  and  that  the  situa- 
tion Saxony  is  in  demands  union  with  Prussia 
as  soon  as  the  loss  of  southern  Prussia  robs  the 
country  of  its  topographical  center,  on  which  the 


TALES  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  117 

basis  of  security  both  against  the  north  and  the 
west  had  been  strongly  built.  Humboldt  an- 
nounced this  military-political  reason  openly, 
Hardenberg  and  the  king  likewise  had  no  other 
idea,  and  the  Prussian  people  asserted  their 
right  to  possess  Saxony  with  such  a  display  of 
pride  and  strength  that  in  a  recent  memorial  the 
king  had  the  whole  power  of  the  country  placed 
at  his  disposal  for  the  acquisition  of  Saxony. 

The  Russian  czar,  following  his  own  peculiar 
will,  stands  firm  at  the  side  of  Prussia,  which 
will  not  give  up  a  single  village.  Prussia  de- 
pends upon  its  own  army  of  260,000  men  and  a 
Russian  army  in  Poland  under  Barklai,  which 
is  reported  to  reach  360,000  men,  without  the 
guards  in  St.  Petersburg,  and  with  the  southern 
army  of  from  60,000  to  80,000  men  under  Ben- 
nigsen,  and  without  the  Cossacks. 

In  his  naivete  Emperor  Francis  comments  on 
all  this  political  activity:  "It  is,  after  all,  a  pretty 
hard  task  to  remove  one  regent  from  his  throne." 

Just  as  lively  a  controversy,  and  so  far  with- 
out result,  is  being  waged  over  Poland.  Many 
would  like  to  let  Prussia  take  the  millions  that  it 
wishes  from  this  land  in  order  to  remove  the 
pressure  of  Prussia  on  Germany,  and  that  of 
Russia  on  the  west.  Metternich  has  not  only 
not  reached  his  peculiar  and  secret  diplomatic 
aim  through  the  coalition,  but  Prussia  and  Rus- 


118    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

sia  have  allied  themselves  in  powerful  opposi- 
tion, and  insist  on  the  demand  that  will  assure 
Saxony  to  Prussia  and  Poland  to  Russia. 

"What  a  great  role  the  Czar  of  Russia  could 
play,  what  an  immortal  place  could  he  make  for 
himself  in  history,  if  he  would  complete  the  great 
equalization  without  looking  at  a  few  measures 
of  land!"  cries  Austria;  that  is  to  say,  if  he  would 
do  everything  that  it  asks. 

Nothing  has  yet  been  done  about  Germany 
and  its  forthcoming  federative  constitution.  A 
number  of  projects  have  been  submitted,  among 
others  also  one  from  Metternich  for  a  confed- 
eration, which  looks  rather  muddled.  His  basic 
principles  are  general  representation  under  the 
condition  of  relinquishment  of  individual  rights, 
in  order  to  build  up  strength  for  the  whole  and 
a  constitution  of  the  states.  Wiirtemberg  and 
Bavaria,  which  egotistically  believed  that  they 
would  retain  everything  and  add  to  it,  protested 
strenuously  against  this  interference  with  their 
sovereignty. 

The  king  of  Wiirtemberg  departed  on  Decem- 
ber 27,  and  bestowed  thousands  of  ducats  on 
cuisine,  stable,  and  cellar;  the  snuffboxes  also 
are  rich  without  and  mostly  full  within.  "Le 
plus  gueux  est  le  plus  genereux"  ["The  biggest 
scoundrel  is  the  most  generous"],  says  the 
maxim.  If  the  other  princes  do  this  only  by  one 


TALES  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  119 

half,  the  Congress  will  end  like  those  great  gam- 
ing parties  at  which  the  servants  alone  are  win- 
ners. To  this  group  probably  belong  also  the 
French  dancers,  among  whom  Mile.  Bigottini  as 
Nina  and  Mile.  Aime  excelled.  They  have  de- 
parted ;  the  former  took  with  her  40,000  gulden 
in  Viennese  coin  and  a  child,  which  Franz  Palfy 
acknowledges,  who  guarantees  the  brat  100,000 
Viennese  gulden,  and  the  mother  a  yearly  income 
of  6000  francs.  If  any  one  does  not  find  this 
sum  sufficient,  let  him  add  the  thirty-six  years  of 
Bigottini. 

There  are  no  more  great  festivals. 

January,  1815. 

It  appears  that  things  are  going  on  in  Italy 
in  peace-time  just  as  they  did  during  the  late 
war;  every  messenger  who  arrived  from  the 
Rhine  with  new  laurels  was  met  at  the  Burg  by 
news  of  disaster  in  Italy.  The  ill-omened  des- 
patches have  not  yet  ceased  to  come;  inadapta- 
bility, formality,  heterogeneousness,  pretensions, 
and  poverty  are  causes  which  are  working  against 
the  new  Government.  Field-Marshal  Belle- 
garde  finally  came  to  the  belief  that  he  could  get 
security  only  by  using  force,  and  during  the  lat- 
ter part  of  last  year  the  troops  were  kept  under 
arms  for  days.  A  conspiracy  of  General  Lecchi, 
a  political  free-lance,  caused  the  most  recent  ap- 


120    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

prehensions,  and  it  is  also  said  that  King  Joa- 
chim [Murat]  was  concerned  in  it.  All  who 
come  from  Italy  speak  of  the  aversion  of  that 
country  toward  the  Germans  [Austrians]  and 
of  the  agitation  and  striving  toward  independ- 
ence. The  discontented  people  would  soon  break 
their  bonds  if  Austria  was  involved  in  a  war,  and 
then  Murat  would  certainly  make  use  of  his  ad- 
vantageous military  position. 

January  7,  1815. 

Nobody  is  satisfied  here,  and  even  the  spec- 
tator wishes  this  existence  to  come  to  an  end. 
Only  God  knows  how  and  when  that  will  be 
brought  about.  Daily  new  reports  whirl  through 
the  city,  heralding  now  war,  now  peace.  To-day, 
the  seventh,  the  olive  branch  is  being  exhibited; 
to-morrow,  perhaps,  will  sound  the  call  to  arms. 
Russia  wishes  Poland,  in  order  to  pay  the  cost 
of  the  war;  and  wants  to  poise  its  iron  heel  in 
this  country,  in  order  to  be  ready  to  march  west- 
ward. Prussia  is  disturbed  by  the  friendship  of 
Russia,  is  relieved  by  Russia's  giving  up  its  de- 
signs on  southern  Prussia,  and  demands  Saxony 
on  its  part.  It  is  easy  to  imagine  how  wit  and 
dialectic  cleverness  support  these  demands,  and 
how  they  are  fought  by  Austria,  whose  protests 
are  given  weight  and  emphasis  by  the  backing  of 
France  and  England.  This  is  the  way  it  went  on 


TALES  OUT  OF  SCHOOL 

in  notes  and  now  proceeds  in  oral  conferences. 
Metternich  talks  about  the  principle  of  monarch- 
ial  rights,  Hardenberg  about  the  welfare  of 
the  people  based  upon  well-secured  boundaries; 
and  thus  things  will  continue  pell-mell  until  the 
sword  is  drawn,  or,  what  is  most  likely,  until  a 
partition  is  made — the  proof  of  mediocrity,  mis- 
erable ally  of  necessity  and  weakness.  Plectuntur 
AcMvi,  etc.! 

I  do  not  believe  that  war  will  result;  it  will 
not  be  kindled  by  the  heated  passions  of  the  op- 
posing groups.  The  tinder,  however,  will  re- 
main here,  and  will  start  the  spark  in  a  few  years. 
The  Prussians  especially  are  very  warlike,  and 
Alexander  does  not  seem  to  be  averse  to  war.  In 
the  meantime  clever  politics  is  aiming  for  the 
predominating  position,  which  Russia  holds  now 
not  because  it  stands  above  the  others,  but  among 
them,  and  therefore  is  able  to  direct  the  course 
of  events  by  leaning  one  way  or  another,  by  its 
yes  and  no. 

France  views  these  manifestations  with  appro- 
bation and  increases  the  difficulties,  so  that  it 
can  then  come  forward  with  a  helping  hand, 
which  it  could  not  do  if  it  was  foremost  in  the 
negotiations.  England  is  wholly  for  Austria, 
and  makes  itself  to  be  hated  because  of  its  poli- 
tics by  the  opposition,  and  because  of  the  inso- 


122    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

lence  and  rudeness  of  its  representatives  by  all 
parties. 

With  the  others  the  situation  remains  as  it 
was,  and  the  Crown  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg  is 
restricting  his  group  more  and  more.  He  also 
represents  the  point  of  view  of  another  party, 
which  would  like  to  raise  the  Germans  to  power 
and  itself  with  them,  and  which  made  such  strong 
overtures  to  the  people  during  the  war. 

Austria,  or,  rather,  Metternich,  who  seems  to 
have  lost  his  way  in  his  own  labyrinth,  puts  much 
stress  upon  its  power  and  its  alliances ;  and  wrhen 
everything  is  taken  into  consideration,  there  are 
probably  more  troops  distributed  in  the  royal  and 
imperial  states  than  the  monarchy  ever  had  be- 
fore. With  all  the  reserve  troops,  its  strength  is 
nearly  500,000  men.  Yet  there  were  that  many 
in  1809,  and  what  part  of  that  number  was  able 
to  fight?  Time  and  circumstances  are  more  fa- 
vorable now,  but  the  spirit  is  still  decayed,  and 
the  moral  strength  lies  prostrate. 

January  15,  1815. 

The  oral  conferences  are  now  attended  by  Wes- 
senberg,  at  times  Metternich  himself ;  Humboldt, 
often  also  Hardenberg;  Minister,  Talleyrand, 
Castlereagh.  This  extraordinary  ambassador 
appears  limited  in  capability,  and  foreign  as  an 
Englishman.  His  wife,  on  the  contrary,  is 


TALES  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  123 

dressed  entirely  in  costume,  laughably  theatrical, 
colossal  and  ungracious,  plump  and  gossipy. 
She  is  the  joke  of  society,  and  much  like  the 
hostess  of  the  Congress. 

Humboldt  works  with  a  great  deal  of  pro- 
fundity and  industry;  he  is  an  excellent  man  to 
work  things  out,  but  he  invents  nothing,  takes  no 
great  pleasure  in  ordinary  affairs,  and  regards 
them  in  the  ironic  manner  of  the  worldly  wise 
man  as  manifestations  of  social  intrigue,  for  so- 
ciety is  his  element. 

Prince  Repnin  has  returned  to  his  more  lim- 
ited circle  as  adjutant.  His  ears  now  find  the 
siren  tones  from  Dresden  less  flattering,  but  he 
will  always  be  assured  of  the  affection  of  his 
friends  and  the  recognition  of  his  honest  eager- 
ness, even  if,  as  a  sacrifice  to  political  enslave- 
ment, he  bears  the  burden  of  being  criticized  as 
"lacking  in  knowledge  and  ability"  in  the  most 
valuable  year  of  his  life. 

Czar  Alexander  is  devoting  more  than  usual 
attention  to  his  friendship  with  local  women,  so 
that  even  the  Russian  women  appear  to  be  dis- 
pleased. He  does  not,  however,  indulge  in  any 
sultanic  behavior,  so  that  it  may  be  said  that  the 
manners  of  the  Viennese  will  not  be  corrupted 
by  the  Russians.  The  aimables  vainquers  have 
often  made  advances  under  the  leadership  of 
Czernischeff,  but  with  little  success,  and  many 


A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

a  shout  of  victory  has  died  down  to  nothing  in 
the  face  of  the  invincibility  of  the  Viennese 
women.  The  czar  is  probably  the  most  easily 
satisfied ;  a  word  and  a  look  seem  to  be  sufficient 
for  him.  His  gallantry  has  designated  beauties : 
la  beaute  coquette,  Caroline  Scecheny;  la  beaute 
triviale,  Sophie  Zichy;  la  beaute  etonnante,  Ro- 
sine  Esterhazy;  la  beaute  celeste,  Julie  Zichy; 
la  beaute  du  diable,  Countess  Sauerma;  la  beaute 
qui  inspire  seul  de  vrai  sentiment,  Gabriele 
Auersperg. 

In  addition  to  these  women,  who  probably  are 
among  the  most  beautiful,  there  are  others  also 
capable  of  inspiring  feelings  according  to  mutual 
desires  and  needs.  Among  the  young,  blossom- 
ing, beautiful  women  are  the  Countesses  Stahr- 
emberg,  Wrbna,  etc.,  who  are  lively,  gentle,  and 
as  vigorous  as  life  within  the  narrow  walls  of  the 
city,  by  candle-light  and  with  continuous  danc- 
ing, will  permit.  The  number  of  beautiful  local 
women  has  been  augmented  by  the  new  arrivals, 
and  the  older  ones  have  by  no  means  abdicated. 
Names  of  the  most  beautiful  and  gracious  women 
of  the  capital  of  ten  years  ago  are  still  found  on 
the  lips,  even  if  not  in  the  hearts,  and  among 
these  are  the  Countess  Lory  Fuchs,  the  prin- 
cesses of  Courland,  etc. 

Poor  Lory  fights  against  growing  old,  and 
her  battle  would  be  less  futile  if  the  chests  at 


TALES  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  125 

home  were  full  of  gold  and  paper,  which  pleases 
even  more ;  but  her  evening  salons  are  beginning 
to  be  attended  less  and  less.  I  never  cared  for 
the  princesses  of  Courland.  Formerly  they  were 
merely  women  who  asserted  their  sex  with  all 
the  vivacity  that  their  blood  gave  them.  Youth, 
the  love  of  variety,  and  their  easy-going  atti- 
tude in  affairs  made  these  pretty  women  inter- 
esting; for  years  their  jolly  career  has  been  con- 
fined within  the  boundaries  of  Austria.  This 
was  due  to  the  fact  that  they  became  thoroughly 
imbued  with  the  local  manner  of  thinking  and 
acting,  being  drawn  to  the  men  first  by  their  zest 
for  life,  then  to  the  women  by  prudence;  to-day 
it  is  difficult  to  tell  just  what  these  women  are. 
At  times  they  are  feminine,  at  times  masterful; 
then  politically  inclined,  then  sentimental;  a  bit 
bigoted,  and  then  again  frivolous;  and  this  with 
such  capriciousness  and  tediousness  that  one 
fears  to  go  near  them. 

The  Duchess  of  Sagan,  regarded  as  the  best, 
the  cleverest,  and  most  unaffected  of  the  women, 
has  been  able  to  hold  the  admiration  of  her  fol- 
lowers with  the  strongest  ties.  For  years  Prince 
Windischgratz  has  been  entrusted  with  her  heart 
and  her  love.  A  liaison  wholly  within  the  sphere 
of  exclusive  society,  without  the  allurement  of  a 
sacrifice,  a  contradiction;  carried  on  in  a  quiet 
and  every-day  manner,  which  was  formerly  not 


the  custom  of  this  determined  woman.  Jeanne  is 
tiring  herself  with  a  Dutchman,  Borel,  who  was 
a  bright  young  knight  eight  years  ago,  but  who 
has  been  so  changed  by  nature,  rich  living,  and 
the  mustiness  of  the  world  that  he  has  lost  all 
courage  and  strength,  and  lies  around  on  sofas 
and  chairs  like  a  masque  thrown  aside  from  yes- 
terday's carnival.  Pauline  has  attached  herself 
more  and  more  firmly  to  Wallmoden,  after  both 
had  done  a  lot  of  looking  around;  he  loves  the 
woman  madly  with  a  sort  of  phlegmatic  frenzy. 

The  Princess  Bagration  still  maintains  a  salon 
where  people  meet  on  certain  days.  A  beautiful, 
cultivated  woman  who  loves  life  can  always  give 
her  charms  new  brilliancy  in  such  a  manner. 

The  young  Princess  Taxis,  the  wife  of  Paul 
Esterhazy,  is  a  new  star  in  the  Viennese  firma- 
ment. She  is  a  young,  desiring  woman  with 
brilliant  eyes  and  a  well-built  figure,  often  bored, 
because  she  seems  to  demand  much.  At  such 
times  she  turns  to  the  little  Karl  Liechtenstein, 
whom  her  eyes  and  her  hand  can  always  find. 
When  the  young  man  has  recovered  from  the 
enchantment  of  his  first  surprise,  she  will  proba- 
bly find  a  way,  and  Paul  will  then  be  welcomed 
as  a  member  in  that  great  order  of  men  for  which 
he  is  now  preparing  with  his  waddling  manner 
of  body  and  mind. 

The  Countess  Bernstorff  rises  far  above  the 


TALES  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  127 

foreign  women  by  her  very  greatness.  She  pos- 
sesses youth  and  brightness,  but  lacks  grace,  hav- 
ing been  forced  forward  in  the  Danish  manner. 

There  is  a  good  deal  of  laughter  at  the  pecu- 
liar appearance  of  the  seven  sleepers  among  the 
Englishwomen,  who  have  come  out  of  their 
mountain  to  the  city  that  has  grown  strange  to 
them.  Lady  Castiereagh  is  colossal  and  plump; 
her  attire  is  always  surprising,  because  it  is  so 
tastelessly  overloaded ;  her  manner  wild  and  care- 
less. 

Lady  Rumboldt  is  married  to  Sir  Sidney 
Smith  and  has  two  charming  daughters.  It  is 
a  strange  tribe,  with  other  clothes  and  manners; 
but  this  country  might  well  keep  for  itself  the 
beauty  of  the  younger  daughter  as  a  wonderful 
treasure.  The  girl  has  a  skin  like  white  velvet, 
on  which  glows  the  pink  of  dawn;  teeth  like 
pearls;  a  mouth  like  a  rose;  a  foot  like  those  in 
Paris;  a  tall  and  well-rounded  figure  as  in  Old 
England;  and  a  pair  of  eyes  that  always  say, 
"Come  hither!"  Prince  August  of  Prussia  an- 
swered their  call  with  all  the  bustle  and  officious- 
ness  of  his  egotistical  manner.  The  girl  did  not 
recognize  the  counterfeit  coin  which  princes  for 
the  most  part  distribute,  and  now,  when  the 
coinage  does  not  stand  wear,  she  is  disconsolate 
at  the  bad  bargain,  especially  as  she  staked  hon- 
est goods  on  it.  This  knowledge  is  good  for  the 


128    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

highest  bidder  who  now  goes  into  the  market; 
for  with  her  agility  and  warmth  she  is  not  likely 
to  lock  herself  up  in  the  empty  chamber  of  her 
heart.  At  a  ball  yesterday  at  Karl  Zichy's  I 
spoke  a  great  deal  with  mother  and  daughter 
after  the  rear-admiral  had  introduced  me. 

"Tell  me,  Monsieur,  were  you  really  with 
Prince  Louis?  He  is  said  to  have  been  such  a 
fine  man.  Does  he  resemble  Prince  August 
much?" 

"You  are  making  a  mistake  in  inquiring  of 
me.  I  was  aide-de-camp  and  a  war-time  friend 
of  Prince  Louis,  and  I  am  therefore  paid  to  be 
partial." 

"But  that  does  not  prevent  you  from  seeing, 
and  all  the  world  declares  that  there  is  a  great 
resemblance  between  the  two  princes." 

"In  this  case  I  must  turn  to  some  one  who 
knows  the  two  better  than  I,  and  who  will  say 
that  Prince  August  is  a  caricature  of  Prince 
Louis." 

That  found  its  mark.  At  eight  o'clock  that 
evening  the  house  was  opened  to  me  by  the  father 
and  the  mother. 

Sir  Sidney  Smith  is  no  Englishman  in  ap- 
pearance and  speech;  he  is  known  to  the  world 
for  his  deeds  and  his  words.  Of  the  numerous 
stars  and  crosses  that  he  wears  the  one  of  great- 
est significance  is  a  medal  which  the  Bishop  of 


TALES  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  129 

St.  Jean  d'Acre  gave  him  after  the  defense  of 
the  fortress,  with  the  words:  "Cette  medaille  est 
de  Richard  Cceur  de  Lion,  nous  la  tenons  de  lui; 
nous  la  rends  a  son  compatriote  en  souvenir  de 
sa  presence  glorieuse  chez  nous  dans  la  ville,  oil 
son  roi  a  egalement  porte  sa  gloire  de  son  nom, 
il  y  a  des  siecles."  ["This  is  the  medal  of  Richard 
Creur  de  Lion;  we  received  it  from  him;  I  give 
it  to  his  compatriot  as  a  remembrance  of  his  glori- 
ous presence  in  our  city,  to  which  his  king  also 
carried  the  glory  of  his  name  centuries  ago."] 

The  ambassador  Lord  Stewart  is  an  insolent 
Englishman,  who  appears  to  crush  everything 
under  his  feet. 

Among  the  old  women  who  are  misplaced  in 
society,  the  Countess  Festetics  is  especially  sin- 
gled out  for  attention  by  the  Czar  of  Russia,  not 
on  her  own  account,  but  because  she  is  the  mother 
of  the  Countess  Julie  Zichy.  In  her  own  coun- 
try she  speaks  Hungarian;  in  Vienna  and  wher- 
ever life  may  lead  her  unwieldy  body,  German. 
With  difficulty  the  czar  works  his  way  through 
the  strange  words,  even  more  laboriously  than 
when  he  fulfills  her  need  for  consolation.  Re- 
cently she  was  very  sad. 

"What  ails  you?"  asked  the  czar. 

"I  have  to  weep.  I  hear  that  your  Majesty 
wishes  to  begin  war  against  us.  That  would  be 


130    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

horrible!"     O  innocence,  how  true  and  appro- 
priate ! 

January,  1815. 

Dancing  is  tiresome  and  is  changing,  just  like 
everything  else  in  Vienna.  Formerly  every  one 
whirled  about  in  the  ecstasy  of  the  waltz,  and 
found  refreshment  in  the  quadrille  and  the  shot- 
tische;  now  there  is  virtually  nothing  but  the 
polonaise,  which  is  danced  by  old  women  with 
the  great  lords  through  all  the  rooms. 

In  the  theater  pantomime  has  found  its  best 
interpreter  in  Bigottini;  she  presents  passion  in 
acting  of  the  highest  degree,  has  the  noblest  man- 
ner, and  at  the  same  time  the  most  emotional 
expression.  Nina  is  her  triumph;  in  order  to 
heighten  the  effect  of  her  acting,  it  is  said  that 
she  played  the  part  of  this  insane  girl  so  mar- 
velously  because  of  her  love  for  the  passion  dis- 
played at  Duroc's  death.  Any  one  who  has  va- 
ried so  much  in  love  through  frivolity  and  greed 
is  not  so  powerfully  shaken  by  death. 

Reinoldy  still  excels  as  pantomimist  in  com- 
edy, as,  for  instance,  in  the  shy  knight. 

January  20,  1815. 

The  English  ambassador  Stewart  gave  a  bal 
pare  in  honor  of  the  birthday  of  the  Queen  of 
England  on  January  18.  It  was  a  brilliant  as- 
sembly of  rich  men  and  women  and  high  per- 


TALES  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  131 

sonages.  The  Princess  Taxis,  the  grand  duchess, 
and  the  empress  appeared  covered  with  jewels; 
the  Queen  of  Bavaria  also  was  not  poverty- 
stricken.  Everywhere  was  English  comfort,  but 
nowhere  joy,  which  is  ordinarily  not  absent  where 
there  is  pomp  and  splendor.  Among  the  local 
young  women  the  eye  is  easily  attracted  by  the 
young  and  pretty  Countess  Kobarty,  because  she 
once  received  a  legacy  of  500,000  gulden  from 
her  father. 

The  affection  of  Czar  Alexander  for  the  young 
Countess  Auersperg  grows  more  and  more  lively, 
perhaps  because  of  the  charm  of  her  pure  spirit. 
The  Czar  asked  me  at  the  ball  given  by  the  Prin- 
cess Bagration,  "Si  je  connaissais  d'ancienntf 
date  la  princess"  ["Whether  I  knew  the  coun- 
tess a  long  time"]. 

ff  Je  I'ai  beaucoup  vu  chez  son  pere,  lorsquelle 
etait  encore  enfant;  elle  s'appele  Gabriele  et  elle 
est  digne  d'un  Henri  IV  ["I  have  often  seen 
her  at  her  father's  house  when  she  was  still  a 
child;  her  name  is  Gabriele  and  she  is  worthy  of 
a  Henry  IV"]. 

January  22,  1815. 

Talleyrand  has  again  been  admitted  to  the 
present  conferences  at  the  request  of  Castle- 
reagh,  so  that  Rasumowski  (often  with  Capo 
d'Istria),  Hardenberg  (often  with  Humboldt), 
Castlereagh  and  Wessenberg,  often  also  Met- 


132    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

ternich,  form  the  committee.  In  everything  there 
is  a  marked  agreement  between  England  and 
France,  and  those  who  adhere  strongly  to  the 
system  of  restoring  the  states  to  their  former 
outlines  place  all  the  blame  for  the  confusion  in 
the  Congress  on  the  shoulders  of  Czar  Alexan- 
der, who  decided  the  fate  of  Poland  on  his  own 
motion  at  Paris  and  made  himself  king  of  the 
new  kingdom,  so  that  Prussia  was  forced  to  turn 
to  Saxony  to  indemnify  itself  for  southern  Prus- 
sia. Prince  Czartoryski,  who  knows  the  inti- 
mate feelings  of  the  czar  from  having  been 
raised  with  him,  is  now  called  the  moving  spirit, 
who  is  impelled  by  the  allurement  of  two  crowns. 

January  24,  1815. 

To  the  diversions  that  one  finds  here  belongs 
also  the  mass  said  on  the  twenty-second  anni- 
versary of  the  guillotining  of  Louis  XVI.  Tal- 
leyrand prepared  for  it  in  Stephan's  Church,  and 
it  might  be  viewed  as  a  poor  piece  of  theatrical 
decoration. 

Sometimes  it  seems  as  if  a  mighty  spirit  puts 
its  imprint  on  human  affairs  in  order  to  give  the 
proper  valuation  to  the  true  standards.  Talley- 
rand was  undoubtedly  proud  that  with  salvaged 
honor  he  was  able  to  celebrate  this  day ;  I  believe 
that  he  gave  the  feast  more  on  his  own  account. 
It  is  true  that  he  did  not  cast  a  vote  [against 


TALES  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  133 

Louis].  Circumstances,  which  have  been-  very 
advantageous  to  him,  saved  him  from  that;  but 
a  man  can  be  judged  by  his  works  and  not  by 
his  words,  and  we  have  but  to  look  at  the  basic 
principles  which  moved  the  man  of  Autun  to 
know  that  the  head  of  Louis  would  not  have  been 
any  more  secure  if  he  had  been  turned  over  to 
this  man's  judgment. 

To  the  mauvcdses  plaisanteries  regarding  the 
present  King  of  France  belongs  the  following: 
"Les  Anglais  out  nourri  un  cochon;  les  Franfais 
Font  achete  pour  Louis  XVIII,  mcds  il  ne  vaut 
pas  I  Napoleon"  ["The  English  raised  a  big 
hog;  the  French  bought  it  for  Louis  XVIII,  but 
it  is  not  worth  I  Napoleon"]. 

January  27,  1815. 

Austria  was  to  present  an  ultimatum  regard- 
ing Saxony  at  the  end  of  January.  Its  content 
is  already  known;  it  was  short  and  concise  and 
declared  briefly,  "Prussia  may  count  at  the  most 
on  getting  from  400,000  to  500,000  souls  in  Sax- 
ony; the  rest  go  back  to  the  despised  king."  Be- 
cause of  the  manner  in  which  this  was  expressed 
the  note  could  be  answered  only  by  "Yes"  from 
Hardenberg  or  "Vorwarts"  ["Forward"]  by 
Bliicher  [who  was  known  as  Marshal  Vorwarts] . 
Just  before  this  note  was  to  be  presented,  an 
English  courier  arrived,  who  emphasized  as  most 


134    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

important  the  sanctity  of  the  agreements  with 
Prussia,  and  brought  very  lukewarm  assurances 
for  Frederick  August  [King  of  Saxony].  Lit- 
tle attention  was  given  to  the  prized  principle  of 
royalty  [legitimacy]  in  the  face  of  the  political 
principle.  Austria  immediately  withdrew  from 
its  position,  and  since  that  time  the  partitioning 
of  Saxony  has  gone  forward  so  energetically 
that  the  returning  king  will  hardly  retain  a  de- 
nuded branch.  And  yet  in  the  end  Austria  may 
be  regarded  as  doing  everything  possible  for 
Saxony,  despite  the  fact  that  it  has  started  only 
petty  intrigues.  Prussia  must  be  filled  with  rage 
and  contempt. 

Fear  of  war  has  wiped  out  the  flames  that  were 
beginning  to  rise  in  England.  So  much  the  bet- 
ter for  us.  What  the  others  do  not  wish  to  do 
we  must  do  as  soon  as  conditions  are  more  favor- 
able. 

February,  1815. 

The  King  of  Denmark  appears  to  me  as  the 
most  comical  of  all  the  monarchs  now  assembled 
at  Vienna  not  only  because  of  his  figure,  but  his 
whole  being.  He  also  would  like  to  get  some- 
thing, waits  from  day  to  day  for  his  turn  to 
come,  and  in  his  person  reproduces  the  whole 
ridiculous  passivity  of  his  cabine* 

Think  how  clever  the  Danes  considered  them- 
selves when  the  present  king,  then  crown  prince, 


TALES  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  135 

carried  on  his  military  foolishness  in  Holstein 
and  attempted  to  strengthen  his  neutrality.  The 
flaccid,  narrow-minded  cabinet  meant  that  it 
could  stand  neutral  while  France  and  England 
fought,  expecting  both  to  protect  Denmark's 
commerce  because  of  their  own  interest.  At 
first  the  matter  really  worked  very  well,  and  was 
not  at  all  badly  thought  out  by  the  elder  Bern- 
storff ;  but  when  Napoleon  began  to  make  his 
war  on  commerce,  when  his  armies  occupied  Ger- 
many, Denmark  had  to  make  a  decision  and 
could  no  longer  procrastinate. 

February,  1815. 

At  the  ball  of  the  Russian  ambassador  Stak- 
elberg  recently  occurred  an  incident  which  as- 
tounded all  those  present.  The  Crown  Prince 
of  X—  -  [Wiirtemberg?]  suddenly  began  to 
call  in  a  loud  voice  from  behind  the  chair  of  Baron 
von  Stein: 

"He  was  once!  He  was  once!  The  Crown 
Prince  of  X—  -  was  once  a  most  promising 
prince ;  his  present  conduct  no  longer  fulfils  that 
promise.  Has  your  excellency  heard  that  also?" 

"Heard  nothing  whatever  about  it,"  replied 
Stein,  brusquely. 

"Surely  the  author  reads  his  own  writings," 
replied  the  crown  prince. 


136    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Thereupon  Stein  jumped  up  in  a  rage  and 
cried : 

"Mon  Prince,  c'etait  un  propos  insolent  que 
vous  vous  etes  permis  de  tenir,  et  [raising  his 
fist]  gave  a  quiconque  osera  le  repeter!"  [My 
Prince,  that  was  an  insolent  act  which  you  per- 
mitted yourself,  and  guard  well  against  repeat- 
ing it!"] 

A  short  time  later  the  crown  prince  came  to 
apologize  to  Stein,  or  at  least  to  make  an  ex- 
planation. 

One  would  scarcely  believe  what  pamphleteer- 
ing miscreants  there  are  now  in  Bavaria;  their 
field  of  battle  is  the  "Allgemeine  Zeitung"  of 
Cotta,  and  Marshal  Wrede  swings  the  torch  most 
of  all,  a  man  who  has  wiped  out  the  favorable 
impression  he  made  in  the  last  war  by  his  proud, 
cold,  and  arrogant  bearing,  without  having  any 
external  polish — everywhere  except  among  the 
Austrians,  whose  need  leads  them  to  hope  that 
this  former  disloyal  Bavarian  will  make  a  good 
commander  for  the  Austrian-Bavarian  Army. 
The  political  stream  that  flows  from  the  canal  of 
Prince  Wrede  has  its  source  to  some  extent  in 
the  sewer  of  General  Langenau,  especially  that 
which  concerns  Saxony. 

Another  Bavarian  general  who  clings  to  Aus- 
tria is  Count  Pappenheim,  a  man  who  formerly 
served  in  the  army  and  who  as  a  real  knight  is 


TALES  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  137 

honestly  paying  back  to  his  friends  and  to  the 
world  the  debt  that  encumbers  a  proud  name. 
Glad  to  be  freed  from  French  oppression,  to 
which  he  acquiesced  only  with  the  greatest  reluc- 
tance in  order  to  save  his  fortune,  he  now  acts 
harsh  and  insolently  toward  all  persons  whom 
his  party  regards  as  disturbers  of  the  peace,  sim- 
ply because  they  do  not  approve  the  political 
distortions,  and  are  combating  the  shams  in  their 
search  for  the  substance.  The  German  swash- 
bucklers adopted  the  same  attitude  in  the  Mid- 
dle Ages;  only  the  men  who  confused  things  in 
those  days  were  the  priests  rather  than  the  diplo- 
mats, who  have  come  in  our  time.  The  knights 
were  always  the  ones  who  bore  arms. 

February,  1815. 

When  one  follows  the  princes  from  public  into 
private  life,  he  discovers  that  they  live  like  other 
citizens  in  a  proper  manner  with  their  own.  The 
Empress  of  Russia  is  a  great  deal  with  her  sis- 
ter, the  Queen  of  Bavaria;  the  czar,  however,  is 
often  with  his  sisters,  the  Princesses  Marie  and 
Catharine,  two  very  interesting  women,  one  of 
whom  attracts  the  mind  and  the  other  the  heart 
of  the  brother.  The  Grand  Duchess  Marie  ap- 
pears delicate  and  refined,  but  always  as  if  be- 
hind a  mourning  veil.  She  must  be  very  sus- 
ceptible to  sad  impressions  from  without;  her 


138    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

soul  was  long  disturbed  about  the  fate  of  her 
brother  and  of  her  fatherland. 

Catharine  seizes  hold  on  life  more  forcibly, 
and  makes  its  splendor  her  own  in  a  truly  mas- 
terful spirit.  She  has  unusually  beautiful  parts, 
as  mouth,  figure,  eyes  of  fiery  brilliancy.  Her 
mind  is  cultivated,  wide-awake,  and  acute;  her 
speech  is  not  sufficiently  feminine,  coming  more 
in  sentences  and  phrases.  In  this  princess  I  see 
Peter  the  Great,  Catharine,  and  Alexander,  and 
imprints  of  the  times  that  followed  them,  mingled 
now  glaringly,  now  softly.  Through  her  union 
with  the  Crown  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg  two  as- 
piring, commanding  spirits  are  brought  together, 
who  wish  to  arrange  the  world  according  to  their 
ideas.  The  project  of  taking  command  of  that 
army  of  the  empire  [the  German  federal  state], 
which  is  still  slumbering  far  off  in  the  back- 
ground, is  to  be  the  first  step  toward  power, 
which  some  day  he  would  probably  be  glad  to 
exchange  for  the  imperial  crown. 

February  8, 1815. 

While  the  progress  of  the  negotiations  was 
slowly  going  forward,  the  little  princes  shrieked 
like  the  ravens  at  the  brook,  and  there  was  no 
foolishness  imaginable  that  was  not  contained 
in  their  notes.  All  wanted  to  acquire  something, 
and  not  only  what  they  had — if,  for  instance,  the 


TALES  OUT  OF  SCHOOL  139 

Peace  of  Westphalia  was  taken  as  a  basis — no, 
not  even  that  was  sufficient  for  the  hungry  ones. 
Thus  I  had  a  discussion  with  the  sixty-fourth 
[Prince  of]  Reuss,  a  young  man  of  great  depth 
and  practical  usefulness,  on  the  reparation  for 
the  princes  and  their  future  rights.  He  imme- 
diately protested  against  the  Treaty  of  West- 
phalia, and  would  hardly  affirm  the  golden  bull; 
these  he  considered  interference  in  the  rights  of 
the  princes.  The  cleverest  talk  this  way.  Now, 
what  is  to  be  done  with  these  people  ? 

Recently  they  spoke  against  all  feudal  obli- 
gations on  their  part  to  the  greater  sovereigns, 
but  affirmed  and  even  fought  heatedly  for  those 
which  their  subjects  had  to  have  toward  them. 


OF  KINGS  AND  NOBLE  LORDS 

FROM     THE     REMINISCENCES     OF     THE     COUNTESS 
LULU  THURHEIM 

Alexander  and  Frederick  William — these  are  the 
personages  who  interest  the  Countess  Lulu  Thiirheim, 
and  she  views  them  through  the  eyes  of  an  Austrian 
woman  whose  life  is  a  round  of  festivities  at  court,  and 
whose  ears  hear  the  prattle  of  the  queens  and  prin- 
cesses and  minor  folk.  The  countess  was  born  in  1788 
at  the  castle  of  Orbeck  in  Flanders,  and  as  a  child  fled 
with  her  parents  into  Westphalia  to  escape  the  vindic- 
tiveness  of  the  French  Revolutionists  toward  the 
emigres.  She  presided  over  a  salon  at  Castle  Schwert- 
berg  in  upper  Austria  and  in  Vienna,  and  when  she 
came  to  attend  the  Congress  she  was  an  accomplished 
woman  of  the  world,  concerned  not  so  much  with  pol- 
itics as  with  personality. 

OF  KINGS  AND   NOBLE  LORDS 

THE  features  of  Alexander  [of  Russia]  are 
not  regular,  but  despite  this  their  whole  effect  is 
pleasing.  The  eyes  lie  deep,  but  betray  wit  and 

140 


OF  KINGS  AND  NOBLE  LORDS         141 

vivacity;  the  nose  is  "a  la  Kalmuch";  the  mouth 
small  and  well  formed;  and  the  teeth  strikingly 
white.  His  figure  is  majestic,  but  he  holds  his 
body  bent  forward  at  an  angle,  probably  because 
of  his  high,  tight  military  collar,  and  he  swings 
his  body  in  walking  in  order  to  give  the  appear- 
ance of  not  being  stilted.  The  expression  of  his 
features  is  a  mixture  of  natural  pride  and  an 
affability  that  is  strange  to  him.  His  look  is 
stern,  but  his  smile  is  ravishing. 

At  first,  when  the  czar  begins  to  play  his  role, 
he  appears  to  you  as  an  original  character;  but 
when  he  lets  himself  go,  you  observe  his  medioc- 
rity. Yes,  he  even  makes  the  impression  of  a 
good  fellow,  and  this  also  appears  to  be  his  inner- 
most self.  He  speaks  the  French  and  German 
languages  without  the  least  accent.  His  conver- 
sation is  not  at  all  brilliant;  since  his  arrival  in 
Vienna  not  a  single  mot  saillant  [striking  phrase] 
has  been  related  of  him ;  whereas  in  Paris,  where 
he  was  idolized,  a  large  number  of  bon  mots  cred- 
ited to  Alexander  were  repeated.  He  permits 
himself  to  speak  at  length  only  on  military  topics, 
and  repeats  at  every  opportunity  the  phrase  "we 
soldiers,"  with  which  he  tries  to  provoke  Metter- 
nich,  who  is  hardly  a  soldier.  He  is  specially 
gracious  to  officers,  and  greets  the  simplest  lieu- 
tenants with  the  distinguishing  words,  "Friends 
and  brothers." 


A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Alexander  is  unusually  industrious;  his  secre- 
tary of  state  Nesselrode  insists  that  there  remains 
nothing  for  him  to  do.  The  politics  of  the  czar, 
however,  are  not  very  complicated;  they  center 
on  the  desire  to  acquire  Poland.  Neither  the 
opposition  of  numerous  cabinets  nor  the  devices 
of  a  Matternich,  a  Talleyrand,  or  a  Castlereagh 
could  swerve  him  an  inch.  It  was  believed  that 
first  out  of  lassitude  and  finally  from  impatience 
he  would  concede  what  at  first  he  strenuously  op- 
posed. But  if  he  is  to  be  besieged  for  a  long  time, 
there  is  a  possibility  that  his  besiegers  may  die 
from  hunger. 

One  day  he  said  to  Emperor  Francis: 
"I  foresee  that  within  two  years  we  will  de- 
clare war  on  each  other  if  we  are  not  able  to 
arrive  at  an  agreement." 

Our  emperor  thereupon  answered  boldly: 
"Not  in  two  years,  your  Majesty,  but  at  once, 
if  that  is  your  wish." 

Knowing  that  he  was  in  the  midst  of  the  seduc- 
tions and  love-affairs  of  the  period  of  the  Con- 
gress, we  must  wonder  at  the  irreproachable  re- 
lationship of  Czar  Alexander  with  the  Princess 
Gabriele  Auersperg,  born  Princess  Lobkowitz, 
and  of  the  King  of  Prussia  with  the  most  beau- 
tiful woman  of  Vienna,  the  Countess  Julia 
Zichy,  born  Festetics.  Gabriele  Auersperg  was 
a  widow  and  had  the  reputation  of  a  virtuous 


OF  KINGS  AND  NOBLE  LORDS          143 

woman;  her  beauty  and  her  common  sense,  how- 
ever, were  regarded  as  highly  mediocre.  Scarcely 
twenty  years  old,  she  already  had  been  a  widow 
for  two  years.  Good,  simple,  and  modest  despite 
her  imperial  conquest,  she  held  the  heart  of  Alex- 
ander in  chains  during  the  whole  period  of  the 
Congress  and  also  later. 

Many  Viennese  women,  who  apparently  did 
not  understand  the  tactics  of  resistance,  declared 
that  the  czar  had  never  seriously  attempted  to 
capture  this  citadel;  others  declared  derisively 
that  the  beautiful  Gabriele  deserved  no  praise,  as 
she  was  cold  and  without  passion.  I  am  of  the 
opinion  that  both  groups  deluded  themselves. 
The  fact  that  an  attempt  was  made  to  enter  the 
bedroom  of  the  princess  despite  its  bolts,  and 
that  an  unostentatious  piece  of  decoration  was 
removed  from  the  adjoining  salon  without  any- 
thing else  of  value  being  stolen,  stirred  up  a 
great  deal  of  dust  and  put  the  whole  police  force 
into  action.  This  attempt  showed  an  audacity 
akin  to  insolence.  As  thieves  have  not  the  habit 
of  breaking  into  the  palaces  of  princes,  watching 
before  the  doors  of  princesses,  and  carrying  off  a 
small  porcelain  vase  instead  of  gold  and  silver, 
I,  like  every  one  else,  laughed  at  this  tale  of  rob- 
bery. The  police  did  not  catch  a  thief,  and  the 
door  of  the  princess  was  not  opened. 


144    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

As  for  the  indifference  of  the  princess  toward 
Alexander,  there  is  an  incident  which  proves 
what  severe  battles  this  beautiful  woman  had  to 
fight  with  herself.  On  the  day  of  the  departure 
of  the  emperor  a  friend  surprised  her  in  her 
boudoir  on  her  knees,  bathed  in  tears.  As  the 
Countess  Fifi  Palffy-Ligne  used  to  say  in  speak- 
ing of  her  youth,  "Helas!  ce  ne  sont  pas  toujours 
les  remords,  mais  les  regrets!"  ["Alas!  it  is  not 
always  remorse,  but  regret!"] 

The  King  of  Prussia  is  not  the  equal  of  Czar 
Alexander  in  understanding  and  character. 
Once  in  a  time  of  misfortune  he  showed  weak- 
ness and  a  lack  of  courage  almost  to  abasement ; 
now,  in  days  of  good  fortune,  he  is  proud,  hard, 
unforgiving,  and  grasping.  At  the  first  confer- 
ences he  demanded  for  himself  12,000,000  new 
subjects — namely  Saxony.  The  injustice  of 
such  arrogance  was  pointed  out  to  him  in  vain; 
it  was  vain  also  to  attempt  to  indemnify  him  from 
another  quarter.  The  good  king  calculated  and 
considered,  and  as  he  could  not  find  12,000,000 
subjects  elsewhere,  he  demanded  poor  Saxony. 
The  subordinate  role  which  he  plays  beside  Alex- 
ander is  more  like  that  of  an  adjutant  than  that 
of  a  king.  He  belongs  to  those  characters  who 
know  how  to  endure  abasement,  but  who  feel 
oppressed  by  independence.  Large,  stiff,  and 
cold, — the  Prince  de  Ligne  described  him  well 


OF  KINGS  AND  NOBLE  LORDS         145 

as  "figure  d' arsenal" — the  king  speaks  little  and 
by  fits  and  starts.  His  features  have  a  certain 
regularity,  but  show  an  expression  of  misfortune, 
distrust,  and  hardness.  The  only  interest  which 
moves  Frederick  William  is  his  sincere  sorrow 
for  his  dead  wife,  whom  he  weeps  for  daily  and 
to  whom  he  would  gladly  tell  all  his  thoughts 
and  actions.1 

Despite  this  great,  sincere  sorrow,  the  king 
had  not  become  tired  during  the  Congress  of 
paying  court  to  the  beautiful  Countess  Zichy.  It 
is  certain  that  this  attention  can  throw  no  shadow 
on  the  blameless  reputation  of  the  countess,  and 
yet  it  appears  to  me,  without  wishing  to  detract 
from  what  is  due  both,  that  the  battle  of  this 
virtuous  woman  cannot  have  been  a  great  one  in 
view  of  the  coldness  and  tediousness  of  her  ad- 
mirer. 

Prince  William  of  Prussia  affords  amid  this 
assembly  of  ambitious  and  egotistic  human  be- 
ings an  example  of  old-time  chivalry;  I  might 
almost  say  that  he  comes  likes  a  being  from  an- 
other world,  like  a  comforter  from  heaven,  to 
turn  aside  the  threatening  lightning  which  is 

1  Queen  Louise  of  Prussia  has  become  famed  in  history  for  her  notable, 
but  vain  efforts,  to  mitigate  the  severity  of  Napoleon  toward  her  sub- 
jects. It  is  commonly  supposed  that  grief  over  the  plight  of  her  sub- 
jects brought  about  her  death.  King  Frederick  William  instituted  the 
Order  of  Louise  in  her  honor,  a  decoration  long  awarded  Prussian 
women  for  notable  and  self-sacrificing  work  during  war. 


146    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

about  to  descend  and  destroy  corrupt  humanity. 
He  would  be  the  good  spirit  of  the  Congress  if 
he  had  a  voice  there.  His  countenance  is  angelic ; 
manly  pride  and  womanly  mildness  are  combined 
there.  He  loves  solitude,  does  not  dance,  speaks 
but  little;  but  when  he  takes  part  in  a  conversa- 
tion the  person  addressed  feels  that  he  has  known 
and  loved  the  prince  a  long  time.  He  has  been 
married  for  ten  years  to  a  princess  of  Hesse,  a 
charming  woman  of  heavenly  virtues,  and  to  her 
and  their  two  children — twins — he  gives  all  his 
love.  Although  he  had  devoted  himself  only  to 
domestic  happiness  before  1814,  he  took  up  arms 
at  the  first  signs  of  the  uprising  of  his  fatherland 
and  became  its  hero.  The  king  proposed  to  make 
him  Viceroy  of  Saxony,  but  he  considered  this 
honor  unjust  and  declined  it.  Upon  his  arrival 
in  Vienna  all  the  beautiful  women  fell  in  love 
with  him;  but  when  they  saw  that  he  favored 
none,  they  ceased  to  worry  about  him.  Their 
places  were  taken  by  all  the  young  people  who 
were  enthusiastic  over  the  good  cause.  His  con- 
duct and  his  political  views  were  exemplary, 
which  could  not  exactly  be  said  of  the  other 
princely  personages. 

I  will  relate  an  incident  about  the  Princess 
Bagration  which  brings  her  perfidy  into  the  clear- 
est light.  I  learned  it  from  the  adjutant  of  the 
hereditary  prince  [of  Wiirtemberg]  himself,  who 


OF  KINGS  AND  NOBLE  LORDS         147 

witnessed  it.  On  the  day  of  his  departure  from 
Vienna,  Herr  von  Mimchingen — that  was  the 
name  of  the  adjutant — sat  beside  his  lord  in  a 
carriage  which  was  being  driven  on  the  road 
toward  Purkersdorf.  Both  were  asleep  in  order 
to  make  up  for  the  time  lost  by  rising  early.  Sud- 
denly a  voice  cried,  "Halt!"  a  woman  pulled  open 
the  door  of  the  carriage,  demanded  perempto- 
rily that  the  astounded  Herr  von  Munchingen 
descend,  and  commanded  the  coachman  to  "drive 
on."  All  this  occurred  in  a  few  seconds.  The 
princess  had  seized  the  opportunity  for  a  last 
tete-a-tete.  The  prince,  however,  caused  her  to 
leave  the  carriage  at  the  next  post,  and  she  had 
to  drive  back  to  Vienna  in  her  fiacre.  The  great- 
est perfidy,  however,  lay  in  the  fact  that  the  prin- 
cess, upon  entering  the  carriage,  loudly  directed 
the  coachman  to  drive  to  the  Princess  Leopoldine 
Liechtenstein,  a  beautiful  and  blameless  woman 
whom  the  prince  had  honored  and  on  whom  the 
Princess  Bagration  wished  to  be  avenged.  In 
the  reports  of  the  police  the  blame  was  undoubt- 
edly placed  on  the  shoulders  of  the  innocent  rival. 
Among  these  resplendent  and  gallant  princes 
the  King  of  Saxony  conducted  himself  modestly 
and  humbly,  a  sacrifice  to  his  fealty  for  Napo- 
leon Bonaparte.  Having  lost  the  greater  part 
of  his  lands,  and  robbed  of  his  generals  and  sol- 
diers, who  had  openly  espoused  the  cause  of  the 


148    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

enemy,  he  sought  justice,  or  at  least  comfort,  in 
prayer.  Worshipers  at  mass  and  vespers  often 
found  him  kneeling  in  a  corner  of  St.  Stephan's, 
wearing  an  inconspicuous  brown  cloak,  beseech- 
ing the  King  of  all  the  worlds  to  give  him  the 
necessary  patience  to  endure  the  intrigues  of  the 
kings  of  the  earth  without  complaint. 

One  evening,  at  the  time  of  the  English  wel- 
come, the  Countess  Hatzfeldt,  a  Saxon,  visited 
the  cathedral  and  found  all  places  occupied.  Her 
lackey,  with  the  prayer-book  of  his  mistress  in 
hand,  approached  an  unobtrusive  man  and  of- 
fered him  a  copper  coin  for  his  place.  The  man 
did  not  move,  whereupon  the  countess  ordered 
her  attendant  to  give  him  a  piece  of  silver.  The 
offered  compensation,  however,  met  the  same  re- 
ception. Angered  at  the  egotism  of  the  wor- 
shiper, the  countess  was  about  to  give  her  name 
and  thereby  gain  the  right  that  was  hers  when 
her  speech  forsook  her.  She  had  recognized  her 
king. 

At  the  close  of  September  the  witty  Marshal 
Prince  de  Ligne  died.  On  his  death-bed  he  re- 
marked cheerfully,  "The  funeral  of  a  field  mar- 
shal is  all  that  is  lacking  among  the  festivities 
of  the  Congress."  With  him  passed  one  of  the 
last  of  the  grand  seigneurs.  He  saw  his  end  ap- 
proach with  the  composure  of  a  good  Christian 
and  a  true  nobleman,  and,  if  the  expression  may 


OF  KINGS  AND  NOBLE  LORDS         149 

be  permitted,  he  gave  back  his  beautiful  soul  to 
his  maker  with  the  same  deportment  as  he  gave 
back  to  his  emperor  the  cross  of  the  Order  of 
Maria  Theresa. 

Another  more  serious  and  more  poetic  festival 
was  the  anniversary  of  the  Battle  of  Leipsic. 
After  a  great  manoeuver  the  officers  of  the  vari- 
ous corps  were  served  a  dinner  at  innumerable 
tables  in  the  Prater,  while  the  soldiers  gathered 
about  great  cooking-vats  on  the  green.  The  sov- 
ereigns, princes,  commanding  generals,  and  nu- 
merous important  personages  dined  in  the  riding- 
academy  of  Prince  Rasumoffsky,  in  his  beautiful 
palace  on  the  country  road.  The  academy  had 
been  attractively  decorated  with  many  trophies 
in  the  form  of  flags,  and  Rasumoffsky  ceremoni- 
ously dedicated  the  place  with  this  affair.  Was 
anything  more  ideal  than  the  triumphant  assem- 
bly of  the  allies  on  this  memorable  day!  Even 
if  petty  and  egotistic  feelings  ruled  certain  self- 
ish spirits  and  separated  them,  it  is  certain  that 
the  toast  of  Czar  Alexander  on  the  Battle  of 
Leipsic  found  the  unanimous  approval  of  those 
who  echoed  it,  and  this  expression  of  feeling  was 
without  doubt  sincere  and  noble. 

With  proud  contentment  Rasumoffsky  ac- 
cepted the  many  congratulations  of  those  who 
marveled  at  his  festival  and  his  new  palace,  little 
thinking  that  a  fire  would  lay  all  these  splendors 


150    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

in  ashes  within  the  same  year.  He  had  given 
over  years  to  its  erection.  It  is  true  that  there 
were  more  opportunities  for  him  to  give  a  num- 
ber of  beautiful  and  dazzling  balls,  but  on  the 
eve  of  New  Year's,  1815,  during  a  social  affair 
the  overheated  pipes  started  a  fire,  and  at  dawn 
it  had  almost  reached  the  bedroom  of  the  prince. 
Awakened  by  the  smoke,  he  was  just  able  to 
save  himself  by  fleeing  to  the  garden.  A  whole 
wing  of  his  palace,  including  a  great  number  of 
the  most  valuable  objects,  was  destroyed.  The 
strength  of  character  of  the  prince  enabled  him 
to  suppress  any  show  of  feeling  despite  his  se- 
vere loss,  but  this  misfortune  was  the  beginning 
of  the  breaking-up  of  his  tremendous  fortune, 
which  was  never  again  to  attain  its  former  size. 

A  few  days  later  Metternich  gave,  in  contrast 
to  the  festival  of  victory,  a  peace  festival  for  the 
court  and  the  city  at  his  palace.  All  the  women, 
led  by  the  empress,  had  to  appear  in  accordance 
with  the  program  in  a  blue  costume  with  a  single 
garland  of  flowers  of  olives  or  oak-leaves  in  their 
hair.  The  halls  and  stairs  were  decorated  with 
the  same  symbols.  Nothing  could  have  been 
more  refreshing  and  more  charming  than  this 
decoration,  which  even  allegorically  was  in  good 
taste. 

The  house  of  Metternich  gave  another  ball  at 
which  the  entire  company  appeared  in  the  cos- 


OF  KINGS  AND  NOBLE  LORDS         151 

tumes  of  the  various  crownlands.  My  sister  and 
I,  as  well  as  a  number  of  our  friends,  had  adopted 
the  peasant  costume  of  upper  Austria,  including 
the  dark  hood  and  the  colored  cloth  across  the 
black  bodice.  The  costume,  and  especially  that 
of  the  men,  was  somewhat  idealized.  During 
the  quadrilles  we  were  grouped  in  pairs,  and  our 
fresh  young  faces  made  a  pleasing  appearance 
under  the  hoods.  We  received  a  great  deal  of 
attention,  and  Emperor  Francis  declared  smil- 
ingly, when  he  saw  the  costume  of  his  favorite 
province,  "Well,  there  are  my  stile- jumpers!" 
whereby  he  referred  to  the  nickname  of  the  peas- 
ant women  of  the  upper  Austria,  namely,  of  the 
Salzkammergut,  which  was  given  them  because 
the  numerous  lands  and  paths  of  that  locality  are 
cut  off  by  hedges  and  fences  over  which  stiles 
have  been  built.  The  costume  of  Lady  Castle- 
reagh  caused  much  amusement,  for  she  had  de- 
vised an  original  Austrian  national  costume. 
She  wore  the  attire  of  a  vestal  virgin,  with  the 
Order  of  the  Garter  of  her  husband  clasped 
about  her  head,  and  the  device,  "Honi  soit  qui 
mal  y  pense."  1 

The  countess  tells  her  own  story  of  the  theatrical 
performance  at  court,  at  which  the  news  of  Napoleon's 
arrival  in  France  was  first  made  known  to  the  merry- 
makers of  the  Congress. 


As  a  matter  of  fact,  this  terrible  news  had  ar- 
rived a  few  hours  before ;  it  was  being  whispered 
on  the  stage,  behind  the  scenes,  among  the  rows 
of  the  parquet,  and  especially  among  those  of 
the  ministers  and  the  gilded  seats  of  the  princes. 
These  lords  of  the  earth  betrayed  no  feeling. 
With  cheerful  faces,  lorgnon  in  hand,  they  acted 
as  if  they  were  following  the  drama  most  atten- 
tively. Yet  many  a  darkened  mien  betrayed 
internal  emotion,  and  the  whispered  remarks  that 
•they  exchanged  surely  had  more  to  do  with  the 
near  future  than  with  Olympus.  Czar  Alexander 
was  heard  to  whisper  into  the  ear  of  Emperor 
Francis,  "I  dispose  of  300,000  men,  which  are  at 
the  service  of  the  coalition  at  any  time." 

Those  were  words  that  could  calm  men  if  too 
many  sordid  passions  had  not  depressed  the  Con- 
gress and  caused  mutual  confidence  to  waver. 
Many  a  conscience,  affected  by  its  own  conduct 
on  this  evening,  must  have  had  severe  doubts  of 
the  sincerity  of  its  neighbor,  and  many  a  pillow 
must  have  heard  strange  self-accusations.  This 
was  surely  the  case  of  Metternich;  the  report  of 
his  alliance  between  Austria,  France,  and  Eng- 
land appeared  even  to  have  reached,  as  far  as 
the  public. 

For  some  time  the  icy  coldness  of  Czar  Alex- 
ander toward  the  chancellor  had  betrayed  his 
anger.  How  easily  the  czar  could  have  taken 


153 

revenge  on  the  allies,  and  with  Poland  in  his 
pocket  as  booty,  simply  have  withdrawn  from 
the  coalition!  .  The  reappearance  of  Xapoleon 
on  the  world's  stage  could  not  frighten  Russia; 
it  had  proved  that  it  could  defend  itself  alone. 

However  that  may  be,  Metternich  hid  his 
secret  thoughts  most  skilfully,  and  opened  the 
conference  of  the  ministers  on  the  following  day 
as  usual.  Capo  d'Istria,  the  representative  of 
Russia,  was  late.  A  number  of  faces  had  already 
become  long  and  drawn  when  the  count  finally 
arrived  with  a  cheerful,  composed  disposition, 
carrying  his  portfolio  under  his  arm.  With  a 
quick  glance  he  took  in  the  situation,  and  by 
.keeping  intentionally  silent  he  celebrated  a  small 
triumph.  (He  described  this  to  me  with  smiles 
several  days  later.)  Then  he  spoke,  and  de- 
clared with  fiery  words  that  the  czar  placed  all 
his  strength  at  the  disposal  of  the  coalition 
against  the  common  enemy.  In  a  moment  the 
expressions  of  those  present  became  normal 
again,  and  every  one  followed  the  noble  example 
of  the  Russian  ruler.  On  this  day  Xapoleon  was 
declared  an  outlaw  by  humanity  and  turned 
over  to  general  vengeance. 


CHAPTER  V 

LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  FOR 
THE  PRUSSIAN  POWER 

FROM  THE  LETTERS  OF  WILHELM  VON  HUMBOLDT 

Prussia  is  indebted  to  two  men  for  the  political  de- 
velopment that  eventually  made  it  the  preponderating 
power  in  Germany:  Frederick  the  Great,  who  laid  the 
foundations  for  the  Prussian  military  system,  and 
Czar  Alexander  of  Russia,  who  put  Prussia  in  a  posi- 
tion to  profit  by  the  dissolution  that  occurred  when 
Napoleon  fell.  A  history  written  from  the  Prussian 
point  of  view  would  give  credit  to  a  host  of  other  men, 
but  it  must  be  remembered  that  it  was  due  principally 
to  Czar  Alexander  that  Russia  gave  Frederick  William 
such  strong  support  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  and  en- 
abled it  to  prepare  for  the  day  when  its  boundary- 
lines  would  encircle  all  of  Germany  and  confound  the 
Austrian  power. 

Wilhelm  von  Humboldt,  right-hand  man  to  the  Prus- 
sian chancellor,  Hardenberg,  at  the  Congress,  gives  an 
intimate  view  of  Prussia's  manoeuvers  there  in  these 
letters  to  his  wife.  Wilhelm  was  a  brother  of  the  fa- 
mous naturalist,  Alexander  von  Humboldt,  perhaps  the 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  155 

most  famous  man  of  his  time.  His  father  was  a  major 
in  the  Prussian  Army.  He  was  primarily  a  philologist, 
and  his  presence  at  Vienna  is  for  him  an  excursion  into 
a  field  which  was  often  distasteful  for  him.  At  one  time 
he  was  minister  plenipotentiary  at  Rome  for  Prussia. 
He  held  the  post  of  minister  of  public  instruction,  and 
later,  in  1812,  that  of  ambassador  at  Vienna.  In 
1813,  at  Prague,  he  gained  the  adherence  of  Austria  in 
the  campaign  of  Russia  and  Prussia  against  France. 
He  drew  up  the  treaty  between  Saxony  and  Prussia  in 
1815,  by  means  of  which  Prussia  took  over  large  por- 
tions of  Saxon  territory,  a  subject  that  caused  a  great 
deal  of  controversy  at  the  Congress.  He  took  part  in 
the  discussions  on  the  federalization  of  Germany  at 
Frankfort  in  1816,  and  attended  the  Congress  at  Aix- 
la-Chapelle  in  1818.  A  year  later  he  resigned  from 
political  life  because  he  was  not  in  sympathy  with  the 
reactionary  tendencies  of  the  Prussian  monarchy.  His 
work  in  the  linguistic  field  was  remarkable.  He  de- 
voted much  time  to  studies  of  the  languages  of  remote 
peoples,  and  was  famous  also  for  writings  philosophical 
in  character,  his  correspondence  with  Schiller  being  the 
best  known. 

LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  FOR  THE  PRUSSIAN 
POWER 

ZURICH,  August  1,  1814. 
I  AM  very  sad,  dear,  sweet  Li,  because  I  must 
again  be  separated  from  you  for  months ;  doubly 
so  because  I  know  that  you  are  ailing  and  that 


156    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

I  shall  not  be  able  to  think  of  you  without  ap- 
prehension. 

To  Vienna  I  go  most  unwillingly  at  this  time, 
and  yet  rather  there  than  elsewhere;  for  I  feel 
that  there  will  be  much  to  do,  and  I  also  know 
that  I  shall  be  more  able  than  any  one  else  to 
perform  what  is  possible,  and  naturally  such  per- 
formance draws  attention  to  itself.  On  the  other 
hand,  I  am  just  as  strongly  convinced  that  little 
good  will  be  accomplished.  Considering  the  men 
and  the  circumstances,  it  is  virtually  impossible, 
and  I  shall  be  fortunate  if  I  can  prevent  any- 
thing detrimental  from  taking  place. 

Another  thought  that  is  distasteful  to  me  is 
that  it  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  write  you 
about  anything  of  exceptional  value.  We  have 
enough  proofs  of  the  dishonorable  passion  for 
opening  letters  to  be  convinced  that  none  of  our 
own  will  pass  unread.  Most  assuredly  I  shall 
let  no  real  opportunity  go  by  for  sending  you 
news  in  a  safe  manner  about  what  is  going  on; 
but  if  I  should  send  through  the  mails  letters 
that  sound  odd  to  you,  remember  that  I  do  so 
particularly  because  I  know  they  will  be  read. 

It  is  really  very  necessary  for  me  to  discuss 
with  you  the  details  of  my  mission.  I  do  this  not 
because  I  know  that  it  will  please  you,  no  matter 
how  much  this  might  be  an  impelling  motive ;  but 
because  you  pass  judgment  so  clearly,  from  such 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  157 

deep  understanding  and  such  accurate  insight 
into  all  the  circumstances,  that  no  man  on  earth 
would  want  to  do  without  it.  I  know,  and  shall 
never  forget,  how  enormously  your  counsel  has 
helped  me  in  the  most  difficult  part  of  my  present 
career,  especially  now  when  so  many  elements 
are  working  to  bring  about  my  downfall. 

I  have  tried  to  make  many  preparations  here. 
Above  all,  I  am  thinking  of  a  strong  union  be- 
tween Switzerland  and  Germany,  which,  how- 
ever, is  extremely  difficult  as  Switzerland,  sad  to 
say,  is  no  longer  strongly  German.  Herein  we 
reap  the  sins  of  the  fathers  who  neglected  all  ties. 
I  am  making  a  special  report  to  the  king  on  the 
union  of  Switzerland  with  Germany.  All  this 
correspondence  will  help  very  little.  Few  have 
any  predilection  for  these  purely  patriotic  ob- 
jects, which  in  the  opinion  of  the  majority  do  not 
really  belong  to  the  domain  of  higher  politics. 
At  the  same  time  one  must  keep  actively  at  work, 
even  if  only  to  please  oneself  and  those  who  will 
run  through  the  pages  of  old  archives  years 
hence. 

There  was  probably  never  a  time  when  it  was 
necessary  to  guard  with  an  iron  hand  the  line 
between  reasonable  force  and  needed  freedom, 
which  is  as  necessary  as  the  air.  And  speaking 
of  the  iron  hand,  I  am  reminded  of  a  dictum  of 
Napoleon  which  is  one  of  the  wittiest  that  a  man 


158    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

ever  said  and  which  you  may  not  know.  He  said : 
(fQue  le  people  Franpais  demandait  a  etre  con- 
duit par  une  main  de  fer  avec  un  gant  de  velours" 
["The  French  people  demand  to  be  led  by  a  hand 
of  iron  in  a  velvet  glove"].  The  worthlessness 
of  a  nation  cannot  be  better  described  than  that 
it  needs  the  iron  to  be  tamed  and  has  not  the  cour- 
age to  face  it  unless  it  is  covered  with  velvet,  so 
that  the  nation  may  be  deluded  by  this  smooth 
exterior. 

Oh,  I  thank  you  without  end,  sweet  child,  for 
all  the  kindness  and  love  and  consideration  that 
you  have  had  in  these  days  for  me  and  have  borne 
with  me.  I  have  been  inordinately  happy  to  be 
with  you,  I  have  suffered  only  because  of  your 
ailment. 

With  sincerest  love  forever  your 

H. 

VIENNA,  August  10,  1814. 
I  took  breakfast  with  Gentz.  You  have  no 
conception  of  what  such  a  meal  means.  Before 
he  even  offered  me  anything  he  partook  of  every- 
thing. While  I  modestly  drank  two  little  cups  of 
coffee  without  eating,  he  drank  four  and  con- 
sumed two-thirds  of  a  solila  as  big  as  a  plate, 
which,  you  must  know,  is  a  piece  of  pastry  in  a 
sort  of  patte,  which  is  steaming  hot  when  opened 
and  includes  a  large  number  of  kipfeln,  with  but- 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  159 

ter  as  thick  as  a  finger.  Temperance  and  mod- 
eration are  noble  virtues,  and  it  appears  to  me 
to  be  an  unfortunate  provision  in  creation  that 
eating  and  drinking  are  necessities  and  not  sim- 
ply pleasures,  like  whistling  and  singing. 

In  all  things  else  Gentz  remains  as  I  formerly 
knew  him.  I  always  greet  him  with  interest  and 
regard  even  when  I  feel  that  others  must  be 
affected  differently.  I  think  I  know  him  most 
accurately  and  that  I  have  so  characterized  him 
in  the  writings  dealing  with  my  life  which  you 
will  discover  after  my  death.  At  present  our 
views  are  more  than  ever  in  agreement  and  I  am 
therefore  doubly  interested  in  him. 

VIENNA,  August  14,  1814. 

It  was  agreed,  as  you  will  recall,  that  I  was  to 
be  here  by  the  fifth,  and  that  I  would  then  find 
my  instructions  from  Berlin.  I  came  at  the 
appointed  time  in  unbelievable  haste.  No  in- 
structions are  here,  however,  and  the  best  time 
is  being  lost,  so  that  much  will  have  to  be  made 
up  later.  I  could  have  stayed  with  you  so 
quietly  and  happily,  and  instead  have  to  go  about 
with  men  to  whom  I  am  indifferent  in  part,  and 
of  whom  scarcely  one  interests  me  in  the  least. 
Naturally,  that  may  change  any  day,  but  up  to 
now  it  does  not  promise  that. 

The  ordinary  work  of  the  ambassadors  suffers 


160    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

under  similar  handicaps.  Metternich  is  in 
Baden,  and  is  so  remote  from  his  work — lives  for 
society,  as  you  can  well  imagine — that  it  is  vir- 
tually impossible  to  get  a  conference.  Toward 
me  he  is  favorable  and  friendly,  likes  to  see  me 
at  social  affairs,  repeats  what  I  say  here  and 
there;  but  as  for  business,  he  has  the  old  preju- 
dice, and  calls  me,  as  I  very  well  know,  too  pe- 
dantic. What  this  accusation  signifies  you  will 
know  without  any  explanation  from  me. 

Society  is  more  inconsequential  and  more  mo- 
notonous than  ever.  The  endless  bickering  be- 
tween the  two  Northern  women  [the  Duchess  of 
Sagan  and  the  Princess  Bagration],  and  the  con- 
fusing gossip  that  this  generates,  is  the  lofty  and 
worthy  subject  about  which  all  thoughts  and  con- 
versations turn.  I  do  not  mix  in  this  affair  in 
any  manner,  following  only  my  former  line  of 
conduct;  favoring  the  one  without  neglecting 
the  other,  and  thereby  merely  suffering  from 
ennui.  Gentz  did  not  have  this  discretion.  He 
allowed  himself  to  drift  far  out  upon  the  stormy 
waters,  and  has  virtually,  if  not  entirely,  become 
estranged  from  one  of  the  two.  Considering 
these  circumstances,  you  may  well  imagine  how 
glad  I  am  that  I  shall  be  here  only  a  short  time. 
Because  of  this,  Paris  begins  to  look  like  a  bright 
spot  to  me.  It  presents  at  least  a  great  variety 
of  interesting  subjects;  society  does  not  demand 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  161 

to  be  in  one's  confidence,  and  burdens  one  less 
with  its  pettifogging. 

I  am  still  looking  for  a  place  to  live,  and  am 
still  a  guest  at  "The  Roman  Emperor."  I  make 
a  habit  of  breakfasting  with  Gentz.  I  adhere  to 
my  simple  cup  of  coffee,  while  he  eats  and  drinks 
inordinately.  In  view  of  the  enormous  number 
of  his  needs  and  the  paucity  of  mine,  two  men 
cannot  be  more  unlike  each  other  than  we  are. 

VIENNA,  October  1,  1814. 

You  close  one  of  your  letters  with  a  remark 
regarding  the  inconveniences  among  which  we 
live.  We  have  to  live  here.  Yes,  sweet  soul, 
these  inconveniences  have  now  reached  their  cli- 
max. I  am  sparing  of  my  time  whenever  it  is 
possible;  for  instance,  I  did  not  attend  the  dis- 
play of  fireworks  in  the  Prater  recently,  for 
court  duties,  social  courtesies,  and  formal  calls 
are  growing  so  enormously  in  number  that  I 
know  of  no  other  remedy  than  to  apply  myself 
every  hour  strictly  to  the  business  in  hand.  To 
do  this  I  am  determined,  and  I  therefore  keep  my 
presence  of  mind,  cheerfulness,  and  calm.  There 
are  tempests  from  time  to  time,  but  these  have 
never  caused  me  worry. 

The  Prussians  here  are  most  remarkably  un- 
comfortable. You  should  have  seen  me  drive  to 
court  last  evening.  I  had  a  following  of  twenty- 


162    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

five,  which  drew  attention  from  all  Vienna.  It 
was  the  first  circle  in  gala,  but  the  crowd  in  the 
hall  itself  was  so  tremendous  that  the  ceremony 
that  every  one  had  to  perform  simply  consisted  in 
standing  motionless  and  letting  the  perspiration 
trickle  from  the  forehead.  Of  my  entire  follow- 
ing I  was  able  to  present  only  five  to  the  em- 
peror, and  I  was  one  of  the  few  ambassadors 
with  whom  the  emperor  actually  conversed. 

Count  Minister  experienced  a  most  disagree- 
able accident  yesterday.  He,  the  perfidious  one, 
was  driving  in  the  morning  with  Hardenberg 
in  a  hired  cab  to  call  on  the  Empress  of  Russia. 
Suddenly  one  of  the  rear  wheels  gave  way,  and 
the  carriage  toppled  over.  Miinster  felt  internal 
pain,  and  it  developed  that  he  had  broken  a  rib. 
I  visited  him  last  night.  He  complained  about 
acute  pain  and  was  lying  on  his  back;  will  have 
to  remain  in  this  position  for  several  days.  I 
could  not  look  at  him  without  a  feeling  of  envy. 
There  is  a  certain  novelty  in  a  situation  of  this 
kind — being  suddenly  taken  from  all  this  unrest 
and  placed  on  a  beautiful  downy  bed,  unable  to 
take  any  share  in  the  blame  for  what  may  hap- 
pen, and  all  because  of  the  brittleness  of  human 
ribs!  Condemned  to  inaction!  It  appears  that 
I  am  destined  to  remain  on  my  feet  for  some 
time  longer,  and  I  am  reconciled.  But  if  ever  I 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  163 

am  placed  in  such  a  situation,  you  can  well  be- 
lieve that  I  won't  feel  bad  about  it. 

VIENNA,  November  2, 1814. 

My  position  here,  dear  child,  is,  as  you  would 
have  it,  most  honorable,  but  not  at  all  pleasant. 
I  am  present  at  all  conferences  and  alone  at 
many  of  them,  and  there  is  no  question  on  which 
the  chancellor  does  not  explicitly  ask  me  for  ad- 
vice; and  as  the  chancellor  works  a  great  deal 
himself  and  possesses  a  most  determined  mind  of 
his  own,  the  false  idea  has  become  general  that 
I  am  primarily  responsible  for  everything  that 
affects  Prussia,  and  that  I  am  to  blame  for  all 
the  opposition. 

I  am  now  also  on  good  terms  with  Metternich. 
He  could  not  really  ignore  me,  especially  as  he 
feels  the  need  of  being  sure  of  my  views,  and  so 
he  frequently  cooperates  with  me  in  the  best  of 
spirit. 

I  do  not  get  to  see  the  king  on  business  mat- 
ters, which  in  the  end  is  an  advantage.  It  is  hard 
to  quarrel  with  him,  especially  when  he  is  not 
of  my  opinion,  and  in  view  of  the  present  cir- 
cumstances, this  must  often  be  the  case.  Yet 
I  see  him  virtually  every  evening  in  society,  and 
he  is  always  very  friendly  to  me.  In  view  of  all 
this  I  have  no  complaint  to  make. 

But  our  task  goes  slowly  and  badly,  and  at 


164    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

this  moment  it  is  not  even  possible  to  see  the 
outcome.  The  danger-point  of  it  all  is  Russia. 
or,  rather,  the  czar's  idea  [not  the  Russians'] 
about  the  Poles ;  and  although  he  has  no  opposi- 
tion, he  wishes  to  keep  the  biggest  part  of  the 
Grand  Duchy  of  Warsaw  for  himself,  without 
even  giving  Prussia  and  Austria  a  suitable  fron- 
tier, and  intends  to  crown  himself  King  of  Po- 
land. Both  plans  are  dangerous,  and  should  not 
be  tolerated;  and  the  oddest  thing  of  all  is  that 
his  motives  are  really  less  ambitious  than  philan- 
thropic, and  that  he  simply  possesses  ideas  that 
have  been  badly  applied. 

The  case  of  Saxony  is  settled,  as  England  and 
Austria  are  on  our  side,  and  only  the  public  con- 
ference on  the  subject  remains  to  be  held.  Every- 
thing, however,  is  still  related  to  the  first  main 
point,  and  the  fact  that  this  is  delayed  has  ad- 
vanced everything  else. 

In  addition  to  these  important  negotiations, 
a  Congress  has  been  called  together  here  through 
an  indiscretion  in  the  Treaty  of  Paris.  A  whole 
lot  of  useless  formalities  have  been  hung  about 
our  necks,  all  of  which  is  not  at  all  a  matter  of 
indifference;  for  France  and  Spain,  which  other- 
wise have  nothing  to  do,  are  eternally  busying 
and  tormenting  themselves  with  it.  With  the 
Congress  as  an  excuse,  France  pursues  another 
object — that  of  getting  its  hands  on  affairs  which 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  165 

evidently  must  be  set  aside  for  the  decision  of 
the  other  powers.  This  discloses  many  of  the 
evils  brought  about,  because  many  things  have 
been  postponed  from  one  epoch  to  another;  now 
things  can  no  longer  be  postponed,  and  no  one 
knows  how  to  get  out  of  the  predicament. 

'During  the  whole  war  unhappily  only  the 
downfall  of  Napoleon  was  kept  in  view ;  his  own 
powers  were  underestimated,  and  everything  was 
seized  with  avidity  which  could  in  any  manner 
make  the  object  surer,  and  anything  that  might 
have  kept  his  fate  in  doubt  was  removed.  There- 
fore an  agreement  on  Poland  was  not  reached 
with  Russia  at  the  only  opportune  moment,  and 
the  right  attitude  was  never  taken  toward  Ba- 
varia and  Wiirtemberg.  All  this  now  avenges 
itself  ignominiously,  and  obstacles  come  up  where 
otherwise  there  might  have  been  a  smooth  road. 

Caroline  to  Humboldt: 

BERLIN,  November  7,  1814. 
The  intentions  of  the  Czar  of  Russia  toward 
Poland  are  said  to  be  known  in  France,  and  I 
heard  about  them  at  Mme.  de  StaeTs,  who  could 
not  hide  her  joy  at  them.  Every  one  with  French 
sympathies  idolizes  the  Czar  of  Russia,  because 
once  he  was  exceedingly  flattering  to  French  van- 
ity; also  the  French  know  his  philanthropic  ideas 
toward  the  Poles,  and  probably  have  a  secret 


166    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

hope  that  a  new  war  will  develop  in  the  North, 
during  which  it  might  prove  possible  for  them 
to  start  new  mischief. 

In  Germany  I  found  only  one  veidict  on  Sax- 
ony wherever  I  heard  the  matter  spoken  of. 
There  was  no  mourning  for  the  king;  only  a 
fear  that  Prussia  might  change  the  constitution. 
Saxony's  nationality  can  exist,  I  think;  as,  for 
instance,  Hungary's  nationality  has  existed  for 
so  many  years  with  relation  to  the  Austrian. 

Everything  will  depend  on  how  Prussia  con- 
ducts itself  in  Saxony,  and  its  politics  must  be 
directed  with  a  view  to  lightening  the  burdens 
of  the  country  wherever  possible,  honoring  its 
constitution,  and  instituting  the  changes  which 
cannot  be  avoided  in  the  mildest  and  most  rea- 
sonable manner.  The  choice  as  executive  in  the 
administration  of  Saxony  of  Minister  von  Reck, 
who  is  supposed  to  be  almost  in  his  second  child- 
hood, is  recognized  as  a  guaranty  that  nothing 
will  be  changed  or  put  into  force  precipitately. 

The  desire  for  representative  forms  of  gov- 
ernment seems  to  be  general  in  Germany,  and  if 
after  the  close  of  this  Congress  Prussia  should 
lead  with  this  example  in  Germany — it  is  indispu- 
tably the  driving  power  of  human  desires — it  will 
have  reached  the  foremost  place  in  peace  as  in 
war. 

Apropos,  the  daughter  of  Hubers  has  obtained 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  167 

a  divorce  from  the  young  man  whom  she  married 
six  or  eight  months  ago  because  the  two  could 
not  agree  on  the  question  of  the  German  and 
French  temperaments. 

VIENNA,  November  7,  1814. 

Dalberg  did  not  dine  with  me.  He  had  an 
engagement.  However,  we  had  a  talk  together. 
He  asked  about  you,  and  we  actually  talked  on 
political  subjects  entirely  on  the  strength  of  our 
old  Erfurt  understanding,  which  enabled  us  to 
tell  each  other  the  bitter  truth.  Thus  he  recently 
discussed  Saxony  with  me,  and  our  conversation 
led  me  to  say  that  I  considered  our  plan  en- 
tirely just.  With  an  irony  of  his  own  he  wanted 
to  consider  this  an  official  comment.  Thereupon 
I  said  to  him  that  I  was  known  for  and  had 
proofs  that  I  acted  in  all  transactions  strictly  in 
accordance  with  my  views.  I  added  that  I  hoped 
this  might  always  be  the  case  with  those  who 
spoke  with  me. 

At  another  time  he  wished  to  blame  Prussia 
for  the  downfall  of  the  old  German  Empire.  At 
first  I  remained  silent,  for  otherwise  I  would 
have  had  to  say  unkind  things  about  his  fam- 
ily; but  as  he  would  not  refrain,  I  told  him  that 
it  was  solely  his  uncle  who  had  delivered  the  em- 
pire to  the  French.  He  takes  anything,  and  we 
always  remain  on  the  same  footing. 


168    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

VIENNA,  November  9,  1814. 

There  was  a  large  masked  ball  last  night  at 
Metternich's,  which  is  said  to  have  been  very 
pleasing.  ,  I  did  not  go,  but  remained  at  home 
to  work.  I  hate  these  social  affairs  unto  death, 
and  there  are  now  more  important  tasks  to  per- 
form. 

The  principal  difficulties  are  made  by  the 
really  unjust  demands  of  Russia,  which  are  dan- 
gerous to  the  peace  of  Europe.  I  do  not  need 
to  remind  you  of  the  painful  and  delicate  rela- 
tions that  Prussia,  and  especially  her  ministry, 
bears  to  this  question.  I  conduct  myself  with  as 
much  caution  and  shrewdness  as  possible,  but  I 
will  remain  faithful  to  my  principles  and  will  act 
with  greater  firmness.  I  do  not  fear  this  time 
that  I  shall  have  to  resort  to  extreme  meanness, 
as  was  the  case  in  Prague.  Yet  if  this  became 
necessary,  I  would  not  fear  it.  I  will  defend  my 
personal  independence  always  and  in  all  circum- 
stances. 

German  affairs  are  not  developing  any  more 
favorably.  The  conference  between  Austria, 
Prussia,  Bavaria,  Hanover,  and  Wurtemberg 
was  first  begun.  This  could  not  well  be  different, 
but  according  to  my  proposal,  this  business 
should  have  been  finished  before  the  arrival  of 
the  sovereigns.  The  delay  has  made  everything 
worse.  Bavaria  and  Wurtemberg  are  hard  prob- 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  169 

lems  in  themselves,  and  the  remaining  princes 
are  holding  popular  assemblies  of  their  own,  in 
which  opposition  is  developing  that  will  always 
make  more  or  less  difficulty  if  we  get  as  far  as 
a  discussion.  Thus  every  one  goes  his  own  way, 
or  at  least  attempts  to,  and  the  force  or  under- 
standing which  should  hold  the  whole  fabric 
together  is  often  sought  in  vain. 

I  must  close,  and  go  to  the  King  of  Wiirtem- 
berg  for  a  private  audience.  He  most  naively 
caused  me  to  be  informed  that  he  would  like  to 
know  me,  just  as  if  he  had  not  known  much  about 
me  before,  and  suddenly  heard  gossip  about  me 
at  the  Congress.  Even  Talleyrand  informed  me 
some  time  ago  ffQue  j'etcds  im  homme  terrible." 
So  you  see  that  I  am  not  insignificant  to  these 
men. 

Caroline  to  Humboldt : 

BERLIN,  November  17,  1814. 
You  probably  do  not  know,  as  you  are  in  the 
heart  of  things,  how  the  work  of  the  Congress  is 
being  watched  and  looked  forward  to  from  all 
sides;  but  having  just  traveled  through  a  large 
part  of  Germany,  I  have  heard  it  discussed 
everywhere.  If  the  foolish  sovereignty  of  the 
princes  of  the  former  confederation  of  the  Rhine 
is  not  abolished  and  the  rights  of  the  people  are 
not  protected  from  these  petty  tyrants,  you  may 


170    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

be  sure  that  conditions  will  not  remain  quiet  in 
Wiirtemberg,  Baden,  and  Darmstadt.  The  peo- 
ple are  deeply  embittered  and  severely  op- 
pressed, and  the  latest  war  has  enabled  the  people 
to  visualize  their  wants. 

Please  tell  me  in  a  word  when  you  have  the 
opportunity  whether  the  Holsteiners  have  made 
any  attempt  at  the  Congress  to  avoid  the  ob- 
ligations of  the  Danish  royal  statute  which  was 
so  unjustly  forced  upon  them,  and  whether  they 
do  not  wish  to  return  to  a  closer  union  with  Ger- 
many. In  this  city  there  are  reports  that  Eng- 
land means  to  exchange  Hanover  for  Denmark. 
However,  this  may  be  town  talk,  like  so  much 
else.  Since  yesterday  there  have  been  reports 
that  as  no  agreement  can  be  reached  on  Poland, 
we  shall  get  back  the  greater  part  of  our  former 
possessions  in  Poland,  as  well  as  a  strip  of  Saxon 
territory  running  from  Wiirtemberg  and  Tor- 
gau,  the  remainder  to  be  returned  to  the  King 
of  Saxony. 

VIENNA,  November  13,  1814. 

France  is  wholly  opposed  to  Russia  and  her 
ideas  regarding  Poland  and  also  wholly  against 
Saxony.  If  we  really  have  to  decide  to  stand 
either  with  Russia  or  Austria  and  England,  I 
should  be  so  strongly  inclined  toward  the  latter 
point  of  view  that  I  should  support  it  with  all 
my  power.  Here  is  a  deep  secret:  I  have  made 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  171 

a  German  memorandum  on  the  subject  for  the 
king  which  probably  will  not  please  him. 
Caroline  to  Humboldt : 

BERLIN,  November  26,  1814. 

If  our  Saxon  plans  should  fail,  as  is  reported 
here  in  Berlin,  I  must  admit  that  this  would  be 
serious;  for  all  the  good  feeling  that  has  devel- 
oped between  us  because  of  our  favorable  atti- 
tude would  then  be  turned  into  the  most  repellent 
hatred  and  bitterness.  Xothing  is  worse  than  not 
to  succeed  in  your  aim.  And  viewing  it  from  a 
wider  point  of  view,  where  is  Germany  to  get 
its  security  in  the  future  if  this  country  [Saxony] 
is  not  united  with  Prussia?  Is  it  possible  that 
Bavaria,  which  dares  to  have  and  to  honor  a 
Montgelas,  will  be  Germany's  protector? 

Surely  Prince  Eugene  de  Beauharnais  will 
receive  nothing  from  Germany? 

Caroline  to  Humboldt : 

BERLIN,  November  28,  1814. 
Your  statement  of  to-day  about  Saxony  co- 
incides only  too  truly  with  what  is  being  dis- 
cussed here  by  the  public.  I  confess  freely  that 
I  should  be  greatly  chagrined  if  we  did  not  re- 
ceive it.  As  things  appear  to  me,  the  king  can- 
not well  retreat ;  I  mean  our  king.  It  would  not 
be  regarded  as  magnanimity  toward  the  King 


172    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

of  Saxony,  but  as  a  weakness  of  our  own,  a  de- 
sire without  the  ability  to  carry  it  out,  which  of 
all  lines  of  conduct  is  the  most  disastrous  and 
least  of  all  befits  that  land  and  that  king  which 
among  all  the  countries  and  all  the  princes  of 
Germany  acted  most  gloriously,  and  to  which 
German}7  in  effect  solely  owes  its  liberation  from 
the  French  yoke.  I  know  that  all  the  other  states 
took  part,  and  I  do  not  wish  to  dim  their  glory, 
yet  Prussia  has  been  the  heart  of  this  great  un- 
dertaking— the  heart  that  throbbed  with  all  the 
pulsation  of  life. 

If  Saxony  does  not  become  ours  now,  it  must 
be  remembered  that  we  shall  have  a  most  resent- 
ful and  embittered  neighbor,  whereas  wise  and 
liberal  treatment  would  unite  us  with  this  coun- 
try in  a  few  years.  All  those  who  think  rightly 
throughout  the  whole  fatherland  will  have  been 
robbed  of  that  moral  guaranty  for  the  future 
which  alone  they  can  find  in  Prussia's  enlarged 
and  consolidated  power. 

Leniency  toward  the  King  of  Saxony  in  this 
case  I  should  consider  weakness;  but  this  seems 
to  be  a  case  in  which  his  whole  treasonable  con- 
duct must  be  disclosed  before  the  world.  A 
prince  who  has  acted  as  he  did  cannot  be  trusted 
with  the  central  point  of  Germany;  and  also  it 
seems  to  me  that  we  cannot  consider  the  descend- 
ants of  princely  ruling  families  as  we  consider 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  173 

the  descendants  of  ordinary  private  persons. 
Were  there  an  empire  and  an  emperor  of  Ger- 
many, I  believe  that  the  King  of  Saxony  would 
be  liable  to  be  deposed.  The  fact  that  there  is 
no  emperor  does  not  free  him  from  princely,  ob- 
ligations toward  his  country,  and  that  he  has 
acted  against  its  interests  can,  I  believe,  be 
proved. 

The  Kingdom  of  Hanover,  I  must  confess  to 
you,  displeases  me  much.  Not  only  because  of 
the  far-reaching  plans  which  perhaps  are  asso- 
ciated with  its  future,  but  because  of  the  imi- 
tation there  of  the  silly  French  nobility.  This 
looks  like  a  bestowal  of  high  rank  among  great 
lords.  It  seems  to  me  that  one  of  the  first  steps 
should  have  been  to  ask  the  princes  who  had  been 
raised  to  high  rank  under  Napoleon,  like  those 
of  Bavaria,  Wiirtemberg,  etc.,  voluntarily  to 
give  up  their  titles  as  something  polluted  and  to 
reassume  their  former  names.  Names  are  not 
such  an  inconsequential  matter.  Surely  it  would 
be  of  great  importance  to  us  to  remove  as  many 
traces  of  Napoleon's  rule  in  Germany  as  possi- 
ble. Oh,  the  scars  of  misfortune  which  that  de- 
tested rule  brought  us  will  not  be  healed  over 
very  quickly! 

To  cling  to  any  souvenirs  of  those  times,  to 
wear  the  orders  and  the  like,  appears  to  me  as  if 


174    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

one  continued  to  wear  the  clothing  of  the  peni- 
tentiary after  release. 

I  assure  you  that  despite  my  joy  at  being  here, 
where,  it  seems  to  me,  the  clearest  political  at- 
mosphere exists,  I  am  still  often  regretful  that 
I  am  not  in  Vienna  in  order  to  cheer  you  up  now 
and  again  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour  at  your  work. 
For,  without  doubt,  seeing  so  many  persons  must 
give  one  a  distinctly  disagreeable  feeling. 

Gentz  seems  to  be  in  bad  odor  here.  A  for- 
eign woman  who  is  about  a  great  deal  and  listens 
everywhere  said  to  me  yesterday,  "I  hear  that 
one  of  our  most  active  opponents  in  Vienna  is 
Gentz  and  that  he  goes  to  great  pains  to  keep 
Prussia  down."  I  do  not  know  whether  I  told 
you  in  Bern  that  once  last  spring  he  said  to 
Jeanne  [Duchess  of  Acerenza]  when  the  allied 
armies  had  already  entered  Paris:  "Well,  when 
we  get  to  the  negotiations,  my  greatest  effort  will 
be  to  put  Prussia  into  obscurity."  And  when  in 
February,  1814,  Bliicher  had  his  unfortunate 
affairs,  he  blamed  the  "vain  Prussians"  and  their 
foolhardy  acts  with  real  satanic  cheerfulness. 

The  best  uplifting  influences  of  our  time  have 
not  reached  him.  To  me  he  has  become  most 
objectionable  because  I  felt  this  about  him,  and 
in  his  oratorical  efforts  I  hear  only  bombast  and 
nothing  that  moves  me  deeply.  Look  well  at 
him.  Does  he  not  appear  to  you  like  a  ghost? 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  175 

I  do  not  mean  to  infer  that  he  has  aged,  but  how 
much  like  a  hollow  shell  he  looks !  Do  not  trust 
him! 

VIENNA,  December  4,  1814. 

The  problem  of  Saxony  is  principally  whether 
the  old  king  is  to  be  allowed  to  keep  a  small  part ; 
and  even  that  I  think  should  not  be  the  case. 
Xaturally,  we  are  being  opposed  most  severely, 
and  our  task  is  not  yet  at  an  end.  What  you  say 
about  this  and  about  Prussia  is  right.  It  is 
really  more  humiliating  for  the  others  than  for 
us  that  are  here  at  the  Congress,  and  especially 
among  the  German  princes,  Prussia  is  suspected, 
slandered,  and  almost  made  out  an  enemy;  so 
that  it  is  considered  dangerous  for  Germany,  and 
favor  turns  to  Austria. 

I  see  very  little  of  Gentz ;  I  might  say  hardly 
anything.  Since  I  came  to  Vienna  there  have 
been  only  two  things  that  lead  me  to  him:  the 
first,  the  use  I  could  make  of  his  well-known 
characteristics,  and  then  a  certain  inclination  that 
he  showed  toward  me,  despite  the  fact  that,  if  I 
do  not  love  and  respect  a  man  for  other  reasons, 
I  am  often  ungrateful  and  mistrustful,  as  has  so 
often  been  justly  charged  against  me.  The  Prus- 
sians are  all  against  him.  and  thereby  confirm 
your  opinion.  Stein  recently  said  to  me,  after 
an  interview  writh  Gentz  in  which  the  latter 
thought  he  had  again  made  friends  with  Stein: 


176    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

"What  would  you?  He  admits  my  contention 
in  everything  because  he  fears  me.  He  is  a  man 
with  a  dried- up  brain  and  a  decayed  character." 
The  chancellor  does  not  trust  him  and  is  not 
friendly  to  him. 

VIENNA,  December  8,  1814. 

I  do  not  doubt  Paris.  Yet  sometimes  it  seems 
to  me  that  things  may  turn  out  entirely  different, 
and  when  I  meet  Talleyrand  a  strange  feeling 
comes  over  me.  Outwardly  we  are  actually 
friendly  toward  each  other,  but  at  bottom  there  is 
a  serious  tension.  I  have  actually  had  only  two 
interviews  with  him  as  long  as  I  have  been  here. 
A  long  one  before  dinner  at  Stackelberg's  about 
Saxony.  It  began  coldly  and  ended  so.  In  a 
second  .talk  he  described  how  gladly  France 
would  like  to  have  good  relations  with  Prussia, 
praised  me  and  my  reputation,  as  well  as  Alex- 
ander's, and  then  directed  my  attention  again  to 
Saxony,  saying  it  was  an  unjust  situation,  and 
that  my  whole  reputation  would  be  blasted  be- 
cause of  it.  Thereupon  I  had  to  answer  in  r 
manner  that  did  not  bring  us  any  nearer  in 
friendship. 

Caroline  to  Humboldt : 

BERLIN,  December  12,  1814. 
It  is  disconcerting  to  find  that  the  German 
princes  lean  more  toward  Austria  than  toward 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  177 

Prussia,  but  I  realize  that  there  are  two  reasons 
for  this.  Metternich  undoubtedly  is  busy  with 
his  intrigues  and  machinations  in  every  possible 
manner,  and  the  fact  that  the  meeting  of  all  the 
princes  and  ministers  is  being  held  in  Austria's 
capital  gives  him  an  unmeasured  advantage  over 
Prussia.  On  the  other  hand,  the  princes  and  min- 
isters are  prompted  by  their  own  vacillating  and 
often  not  purely  German  spirit  to  draw  closer  to 
Austria  than  to  Prussia,  for  an  inner  voice  tells 
them  that  Prussia  will  be  much  more  earnest  and 
severe  with  them  than  Austria. 

Meanwhile  I  hope,  and  know  in  part,  that  the 
people  do  not  agree  with  their  princes,  and  it  is 
my  hope  also  that  the  spirit  [of  German  liberty 
and  unity]  which  brought  about  this  last  war,  is 
still  powerful  and  guides  the  course  of  the  world. 

BEELIN,  December  14,  1814. 
Good  Lord!  do  not  consent  to  let  Frankfort 
become  Bavarian!  It  is  such  a  famous  city, 
where  the  German  emperors  used  to  be  crowned. 
When  the  armies,  or,  rather,  the  monarchs  went 
there,  they  promised  the  city  its  freedom.  The 
proposed  action  would  have  a  bad  effect  every- 
where. Bavaria  is  hated  intensely  evry where  ex- 
cept in  its  old  provinces.  It  makes  me  feel  badly 
enough,  because  it  seems  that  we  are  not  getting 
Ansbach  and  Bayreuth  back. 


178    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

VIENNA,  January  5,  1815. 

The  chancellor  is  not  at  all  well ;  he  dined  alone 
to-day,  not  with  us.  You  cannot  believe  what 
anxiety  I  have  for  fear  that  he  might  get  so  ill 
that  he  could  not  carry  the  negotiations  to  a  con- 
clusion or  even  die.  There  would  be  no  one  left 
but  me,  and  I  could  think  of  nothing  worse.  It 
would  be  a  misfortune  for  the  Saxons  and  a 
shocking  situation  for  me.  Therefore  I  cannot 
deny  that  I  am  worried.  The  poor  old  man  does 
without  everything  that  he  loves.  He  is  irritated 
beyond  measure  at  what  takes  place,  sees  all  his 
hopes  unfulfilled,  and  this  affects  himself  and  his 
body.  He  cannot  sleep;  he  walked  about  in  his 
room  until  two  o'clock  last  night,  then  worked 
until  six,  and  was  sleeping  in  his  chair  when  I 
left  him  two  hours  ago. 

Then  the  chancellor  also  strains  himself  need- 
lessly, lives  all  day  in  an  atmosphere  of  work  and 
passion,  or  in  general  good  fellowship,  which  is 
resting;  but  does  not  lift  you  out  of  yourself. 
Personally,  I  would  lose  everything  in  him;  for 
he  is  so  good  and  friendly  to  me,  and  I  love  him 
as  I  do  hardly  another  man  with  whom  I  come 
into  business  contact.  Do  not  speak  about  his 
illness ;  he  does  not  like  even  to  admit  it  here. 

If  the  Congress  comes  to  a  peaceful  end,  the 
ambassadors  will  naturally  receive  snuff-boxes. 
They  are  most  hateful  to  me.  I  abhor  nothing 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  179 

so  much  deep  in  my  soul  as  private  advantage 
for  things  which  are  done  for  the  good  of  the 
whole.  Yet,  if  there  is  no  rupture,  this  will  be 
the  practice.  Our  large  conferences  include 
eight  powers;  counting  only  these,  I  shall  osten- 
sibly receive  seven  boxes.  What  shall  I  do  with 
them?  The  stones  would  presumably  be  enough 
for  one  to  make  something  beautiful  out  of,  and 
at  the  same  time  provide  you  with  jewels;  as  for 
money,  eight  boxes  would  bring  from  20,000  to 
24,000  thaler.  Adornment  does  not  mean  much 
to  you,  yet  I  would  also  like  to  have  you  own 
diamonds.  Tell  me  what  you  think  of  it. 
Caroline  to  Humboldt : 

BERLIN,  January  12,  1815. 
I  do  not  exactly  know  what  to  say  about  the 
possibility  of  having  gems  and  the  likelihood  of 
getting  them  as  gifts.  There  are  probably  a 
number  of  occasions  in  your  career  at  which  it 
wrould  be  pleasing  if  I  had  gems,  but  they  do  not 
compare  with  the  real  use  that  the  money  would 
give  in  our  situation.  We  still  have  many  debts, 
and  as  we  are  absent  more  and  more,  it  is  impor- 
tant for  us  to  get  entirely  free  of  them.  Then  I 
also  find  that  in  conditions  such  as  have  obtained 
in  our  fatherland,  and  which  may  come  again, 
even  if  in  a  different  manner,  it  is  far  nobler  not 
to  have  adornment.  I  believe  also  that  in  the 


180    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

future  men  will  give  more  pleasure  to  girls  by 
presenting  them  with  property  that  is  free  of  debt 
than  a  collar  of  gems. 

There  is  quite  a  little  talk  here  about  you  and 
the  chancellor.  He  is  said  to  have  been  indis- 
posed four  or  six  weeks  ago,  and  the  story  is  told 
that  the  king  said,  "Things  don't  seem  to  go  well 
any  more  \vith  the  chancellor;  I  shall  have  to 
keep  Humboldt  with  him." 

VIENNA,  January  17,  1815. 

I  was  surprised  at  the  king's  remark  that  you 
wrote  me.  A  thing  of  that  kind  is  not  easily  in- 
vented. I  should  like  to  know  what  he  thinks  of 
me  now.  When  I  rode  to  meet  him  on  his  ar- 
rival I  was  with  Knesebeck.  He  started  a  po- 
litical conversation,  and  Knesebeck  carried  it  on 
so  awkwardly  that  the  king  began  to  argue  in  an 
unpleasant  manner,  and  the  situation  became  se- 
rious. I  kept  out  of  it  as  best  I  could,  and  was 
not  always  able  to  agree  with  him;  nor,  on  ac- 
count of  the  other  man,  could  I  turn  the  conver- 
sation. This  was  my  last  talk  with  him.  He 
has  never  called  for  me  here,  he  never  asks  anjT 
one  when  he  is  dining  in  his  room,  and  he  dines 
alone  now,  and  has  his  own  cook  prepare  his 
meals.  The  imperial  [Austrian]  cuisine  and 
wine  are  said  to  be  horrible. 

I  might  have  made  attempts  on  my  own  ac- 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  181 

count  to  visit  him,  to  go  with  him,  but  I  have 
avoided  that.  Things  are  not  in  good  shape  for 
the  most  part;  according  to  my  conviction  they 
went  differently  than  they  should.  You  will  un- 
derstand that  I  cannot  talk  about  that  with  the 
king. 

VIENNA,  January  30,  1815. 

Since  the  departure  of  the  last  courier  I  have 
written  you  twice,  dear  Li,  without  numbering 
my  letters. 

I  am  certain  that  our  letters  are  not  opened; 
your  seals  are  always  of  dazzling  beauty.  Yet  I 
would  not  necessarily  depend  on  the  seals,  as  one 
may  be  mistaken.  But  it  is  so  decidedly  against 
the  character  of  the  chancellor,  and  could  not  take 
place  without  his  knowledge,  that  I  would  never 
permit  myself  the  least  mistrust  on  the  subject. 
At  any  rate,  it  is  immaterial  to  me. 

Caroline  to  Humboldt : 

BERLIN,  February  4,  1815. 
Do  be  careful  in  your  relations  with  the  Jews. 
I  do  not  consider  it  fitting  to  remove  all  restric- 
tions and  suddenly  to  place  them  in  a  position  to 
enjoy  all  civil  rights.  Everything  which  comes 
naturally  comes  step  by  step.  Why  shall  the 
Jews  become  salti  mortali? 


182    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

VIENNA,  February  5,  1815. 

I  maintain  that  the  affairs  that  interest  us  the 
most  will  be  settled  soon  and  still  think  that  the 
sovereigns  will  leave  this  month.  The  matter 
will  not  be  entirely  satisfactory,  as  Saxony  is 
still  being  divided;  most  probably  we  shall  not 
get  Leipsic,  although  Wurtemberg  and  Torgau, 
and  because  nothing  is  right  and  nothing  is  whole. 
Nevertheless,  we  shall  have  10,000,000  subjects; 
about  2,500,000  around  the  Rhine,  counting  our 
old  Westphalian  provinces,  and  7,500,000  around 
the  Elbe,  Oder,  and  Vistula.  For  in  actuality 
we  now  have  two  Prussias ;  but  it  will  not  remain 
so  in  the  long  run.  What  is  out  of  t)lumb  seeks 
to  right  itself. 

The  undertaking  with  Austria  is  deeply  buried, 
according  to  my  view.  Metternich's  conduct  has 
implacably  embittered  the  king  and  the  chan- 
cellor. Both  have  just  and  true  natures,  entirely 
the  opposite  of  his ;  but  they  do  not  have  my  tol- 
erance, and  I  often  say  to  myself  that  an  alliance 
with  Austria  against  France  might  never  have 
been  effected  if  I  had  always  accurately  described 
Metternich's  conduct  at  that  time,  and  had  not 
looked  at  the  best  side  of  everything  and  taken 
the  whole  success  of  it  upon  myself.  Now  we 
have  been  too  directly  in  communication,  with  the 
result  that  the  eyes  are  often  opened  more  than 
one  wishes  and  sometimes  more  than  is  benefi- 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  183 

cial.  With  all  his  faults  and  partly  because  of 
them,  Metternich  is  more  useful  and  leans  more 
toward  us  than  the  others — Stadion,  Zichy, 
Schwarzenberg,  Langenau, — and  much  can  al- 
ways be  done  with  him.  But  now  that  is  past. 
Krusemark  will  not  be  able  to  bring  it  about,  and 
even  I  was  not  able  to  do  it.  That  is  the  saddest 
result  of  the  Congress. 

We  are  in  better  relations  with  Germany  than 
formerly.  The  little  ones  are  beginning  to  have 
confidence  in  me.  I  do  not  neglect  anything  in 
this  direction,  Prussia  must  have  the  most  im- 
portant influence  on  Germany,  though — and  this 
I  always  preach — not  as  a  power  that  uses  coer- 
cion, but  that  wins  Germany  of  its  own  free  will. 
That  with  which  we  distinguish  ourselves  the 
most  is  our  protection  of  the  mediatized  houses; 
yet  this  does  not  give  us  the  friendship  of  certain 
princes. 

VIENNA,  February  8,  1815. 

I  am  writing  you,  dear  Li,  in  Metternich's 
conference-room,  surrounded  by  all  the  plenipo- 
tentiaries, now  including  Lord  Wellington,  at 
the  moment  when  the  last  conference  on  the  ne- 
gro slave-trade  is  to  be  held.  To-day  happens 
to  be  one  of  those  days  on  which  it  is  impossible 
to  steal  half  an  hour,  and  so  I  must  beg  you  not 
to  be  angry  with  me  if  I  send  you  only  a  few  hur- 
ried words. 


184    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Our  affairs  have  been  completely  agreed  upon 
since  last  I  wrote  you.  At  least  that  is  the  out- 
come of  conversations  between  Hardenberg, 
Metternich,  and  Castlereagh,  for  we  shall  not 
have  a  conference  on  this  subject  until  to-night. 
Leipsic  is  not  ours,  but  Gorlitz,  Seitz,  Naum- 
burg,  and  Weissenfels  have  been  added  to  the 
cities — about  900,000  souls, — and  according  to 
area  we  receive  more  than  half.  Thuringia  and 
the  two  banks  of  the  Saal  we  get  entirely,  and 
Schwarzburg  is  also  under  our  influence  now. 

You  know  what  I  think  about  the  whole  of 
this  agreement.  The  old  Metternich  [father  of 
the  Austrian  chancellor]  among  his  famous  dictis 
once  included  this  one:  "Cette  affaire,  comme 
toute  affaire,  finira  d'une  maniere  quelconque" 
["This  affair,  like  every  affair,  will  be  disposed 
of  in  some  sort  of  manner"].  And  just  as  this  is 
spoken  in  the  deep  equanimity  of  the  father,  tc 
whom  everything  in  the  final  analysis  is  imma- 
terial, so  the  son  acts;  and  thus  has  come  about 
what  has  now  been  done. 

Yet  Prussia  is  not  actually  suffering.  It  is 
about  to  be  restored,  and  that  part  of  Saxony 
cannot  escape  it  in  the  future;  and  in  Germany 
we  surely  shall  be  victorious. 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  185 

VIENNA,  February  12, 1815. 

At  last,  dear  Li,  I  am  writing  you  again  at 
my  desk,  although  I  am  still  greatly  occupied  and 
bothered.  Castlereagh  is  departing  in  the  morn- 
ing, and  we  are  trying  to  make  this  circumstance 
the  excuse  for  trying  to  complete  as  much  as  pos- 
sible so  well  as  we  can.  We  signed  everything 
last  night  that  affects  Saxony  and  Poland,  and 
to-night  will  continue  with  the  other  affairs.  The 
King  of  Saxony  has  been  called  to  Presburg. 
He  is  to  sign  there.  Whether  he  will  do  so  re- 
mains to  be  seen.  I  would  not  do  it.  The  parti- 
tioning of  Saxony  is  too  disastrous  a  thing  for 
that  country  to  permit  a  seventy-four-year-old 
man  to  bring  such  a  curse  upon  himself. 

This  recalls  an  anecdote  that  Wrede  recently 
told  me.  When  Wrede  came  from  Russia  in 
the  year  '12  he  told  the  king  how  things  stood 
and  advised  him,  most  earnestly,  so  he  declares, 
to  take  his  measures  accordingly.  The  king,  how- 
ever, replied:  ''Let  him  [Napoleon]  alone. 
With  his  genius  he  will  soon  help  us  out  of  the 
difficulty."  And  this  man  is  to  rule  again!  Un- 
happily, it  is  true.  It  seems  that  things  are  never 
to  be  done  justly,  and  this  object  is  easily  and 
wholly  reached.  The  outcome  of  the  affair  will 
make  a  much  greater  sensation  because  it  will 
come  most  unexpectedly.  At  least  Korner  wrote 
me  on  the  first,  and  seemed  to  be  wholly  uncon- 


186    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

cerned  about  a  partition.  I  will  send  a  few  words 
to  him  to-day. 

It  was  a  pretty  pass  for  the  chancellor  to  say 
to  me,  immediately  after  it  was  decided  that  Sax- 
ony should  continue  to  exist,  that  now  we  would 
have  to  take  Korner  into  our  service. 

For  us  the  present  arrangement,  although  not 
necessarily  the  best,  is  still  so  much  better  that  it 
would  have  been  most  unjust  for  us  to  prefer  war 
or  a  long  continuation  of  this  uncertain  situation. 

Just  consider  that  the  monthly  cost  of  the  army 
when  merely  on  a  war  footing  is  over  2,000,000 
thaler. 

The  advantages  which  we  have  gained,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  fact  that  we  get  our  population  of  1805 
back  with  an  increase,  are: 

1. — That  we  retain  all  military  points  in  Sax- 
ony and  Thuringia  without  exception. 

2. — That  the  states  on  the  Rhine  receive  an 
extent  and  a  form  which  gives  this  part  of  the 
monarchy  about  the  same  population  as  the 
whole  Prussian  monarchy  had  at  the  beginning 
of  Frederick  II's  reign;  that  is,  when  we  take 
into  account  what  we  possess  on  both  sides  of 
the  stream,  and  add  only  the  little,  mostly  media- 
tized princes,  who  will  still  belong  to  our  system 
and  to  our  army.  If  we  received  all  of  Saxony, 
the  above  state  would  clearly  be  much  smaller, 
partly  decreased  by  alternative  reparation  that 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  187 

was  to  be  given  the  King  of  Saxony  in  West- 
phalia. 

3. — That  we  have  not  suffered,  and  that  media- 
tized princes,  as  in  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg, 
have  been  ascribed  to  us  as  subjects.  In  the 
first  place  this  gives  us  the  friendship  of  all  the 
mediatized  princes  that  are  politically  united 
with  us,  and,  secondly,  these  mediatized  groups 
count  politically  and  militarily  with  us,  and  there- 
fore are  a  real  addition  not  in  income,  but  in 
power.  You  also  cannot  imagine  how  much 
popularity  we  have  won  not  among  the  princes 
of  the  Rhine  confederation,  but  among  the  op- 
pressed ones  and  the  others.  Austria,  Metter- 
nich,  and  Wessenberg  help  us  along  in  this. 

It  is  clearly  seen  now  that  Austria  is  not  at  all 
interested  in  Germany,  but  simply  likes  to  have  it 
appear  so.  Metternich  talks  to  no  one  on  earth 
and  is  actually  inaccessible.  Wessenberg  is  also 
very  busy  and  has  too  little  influence  to  counter- 
act this  exclusiveness.  I  see  all  persons  as  often 
and  long  as  they  wish,  invite  them  to  come  again 
when  I  have  to  refuse  them,  and  answer  even  the 
most  insignificant  billet;  and  even  if  the  chan- 
cellor is  not  able  to  do  all  this,  he  invites  every 
one  to  dine  not  merely  to  stiff  dinners,  but  to  his 
dinners  at  home.  As  many  can  come  as  wish; 
others  he  invites  and  then  talks.  We  are  never 


less  than  from  twenty  to  twenty-four  persons  at 
table. 

Weimar  had  placed  itself  wholly  on  our  side. 
It  assumes  the  grand  ducal  title.  This  was  signed 
yesterday.  There  were  no  difficulties  in  the  way. 
It  was  signed  at  once;  I  urged  it  and  accom- 
plished it.  The  duke  will  also  get  an  increase 
[in  territory].  I  am  glad  of  everything  that  helps 
him.  He  was  always  most  friendly  and  forbear- 
ing even  when  we  lived  at  the  "Elephant"  and 
really  needed  some  consideration.  God!  what  a 
wonderful  time,  and  how  much  has  gone  since 
then,  been  broken  up,  destroyed ! 

Orange  will  assume  the  kingship. 

I  will  not  take  your  time  to  tell  what  Prussia 
is  actually  to  receive,  for  by  the  time  this  letter 
reaches  you  this  will  be  in  the  newspapers. 

It  hurts  the  king  a  great  deal  because  we  did 
not  get  Leipsic;  this  was  a  point  of  honor  with 
him.  In  this  he  is  right.  Yet  this  was  a  condition 
made  by  all  the  powers,  who  would  not  have 
signed  otherwise.  One  idea,  however,  the  king 
will  put  through.  Together  with  Austria  he  will 
ask  for  a  spot  on  the  Battle-field  of  Leipsic  in 
order  to  raise  a  monument  on  it,  and  to  dedicate 
a  home  for  invalids  for  warriors  of  all  the  nations 
who  were  wounded  in  that  "battle.  It  is  really  a 
fine  idea. 

You  cannot  comprehend  how  Metternich  is 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  189 

losing  ground  in  all  these  transactions  among 
many  delegates,  a  large  number  of  whom  are  not 
simple-minded,  and  to  whom  parlor  tricks  no 
longer  count  for  intelligence  and  talent.  At  a 
large  session  of  twenty  deputies  recently,  the  first 
attended  by  Wellington,  things  went  so  far  that  a 
man  had  to  be  ashamed  of  being  a  German.  Met- 
ternich  had  kept  the  report  of  the  Swiss  commit- 
tee in  his  hands  for  five  weeks,  and  despite  the  fact 
'  that  his  representatives  had  sat  in  the  committee, 
he  brought  it  up  with  important  and  unexpected 
changes  that  had  been  made  not  by  himself,  but 
by  Wessenberg;  and  when  he  was  asked  about 
them,  he  could  not  even  give  an  intelligent  reply 
for  the  reason  that  he  had  read  neither  the  report 
of  the  committee  nor  Wessenberg's  changes.  No- 
body knows  what  an  effect  is  produced  by  such 
conduct. 

In  the  latest  conferences  even  Talleyrand  has 
been  with  us  and  against  him,  because  he  at  least 
has  system  in  business  affairs  and  knowledge  of 
them.  Metternich  either  does  not  notice  this  or 
does  not  wish  to.  In  reality  the  illusion  does  not 
leave  him,  and  I  am  firmly  convinced  that  he  re- 
gards himself  as  the  most  clever  and  versatile  of 
all,  yes,  as  a  man  with  whom  none  other  can  be 
compared. 

In  addition  to  that,  Wessenberg  does  not  dare 
to  say  anything,  and  the  difference  between  the 


190    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

way  Wessenberg  has  to  conduct  himself  with 
Metternich  and  I  can  work  with  Hardenberg 
must  be  clear  to  every  one.  Metternich  always 
looks  me  up  in  society  and  jokes  and  tells  stories 
as  much  as  ever.  This,  however,  merely  proves 
his  absolute  lack  of  feeling,  as  he  is  not  even 
capable  of  hatred.  For  I  know  that  it  has  be- 
come a  habit  for  him  to  blame  me  whenever  things 
go  wrong  for  him  and  to  revile  me,  and  to  com- 
fort himself  with  the  thought  that  he  will  one  day 
play  a  good  trick  on  me,  which,  however,  will  be 
rather  difficult. 

VIENNA,  February  23,  1815. 

We  now  know  that  Berlin  is  most  dissatisfied 
with  the  arrangements  that  we  have  made.  In 
most  of  the  letters  the  blame  is  placed  on  the  en- 
tourage of  the  king  and  principally  on  me.  Tell 
me,  do  you  hear  the  same  thing?  There  is  noth- 
ing to  be  done  about  it.  In  life  we  have  to  bal- 
ance unearned  blame  with  unearned  praise.  I 
know  how  everything  came  about,  but  what  does 
that  help? 

Prussia  is  now  the  greatest  German  power, 
about  8,000,000  Germans ;  therefore  a  war  power 
in  Germany  of  240,000  men,  and  the  first  war 
that  comes  must  increase  Prussia's  possessions 
at  the  point  where  they  still  are  incomplete. 
When  the  chancellor  during  the  war  told  me  for 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  191 

the  first  time  of  his  idea  that  we  needed  provinces 
on  the  Rhine,  I  replied  that  I  agreed  with  him; 
it  was  like  stretching  out  a  hand  and  putting  it 
down  firmly. 

Dissatisfaction  generates  also  because  at  first 
every  one  had  exaggerated  ideas  about  what  we 
were  entitled  to,  and  the  military  judged  Prus- 
sia's share  according  to  what  the  army  had  act- 
ually achieved,  and  not  according  to  political  pos- 
sibilities. The  feeling  of  not  wishing  to  do  with- 
out old  provinces  is  most  honorable,  but  of  course 
it  should  not  be  overdone.  How  old  are  actually 
the  countries  that  have  been  lost  to  us?  Ost 
Friesland  [Eastern  Frisia]  has  been  ours  for 
about  seventy  years,  and  the  Prussian  state  with- 
out Ansbach  and  Bayreuth  has  long  been  known 
to  me. 

Yet  at  the  bottom  of  the  discontent  is  a  true 
and  valid  reason  with  which  I  wholly  agree.  It 
is  not  so  much  that  Prussia  does  not  get  enough 
territory  which  hurts  the  feelings  of  the  people 
but  it  is,  lying  perhaps  deep  within  the  soul  and 
not  expressing  itself,  that  those  who  have  acted 
most  dastardly  either  receive  back  their  land  and 
their  people  or  even  are  enlarged.  On  the  other 
hand  are  the  reasons  why  we  do  not  possess  this 
and  that  which  is  dear  to  us.  We  must  retain  the 
point  of  view  that  this  condition  is  only  transi- 
tory. The  battle  against  wickedness  has  not  been 


192    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

fought  out  and  will  be  renewed,  even  if  not  just 
now.  Each  and  every  Prussian  must  consider 
himself  as  a  warrior  reserved  for  that  time,  but 
must  also  make  himself  worthy  during  the  inter- 
val of  peace  to  fight  for  this  cause.  I  look  for- 
ward to  this  sort  of  a  future  with  conviction. 

It  actually  seems  as  if  the  Congress  is  to  come 
to  an  end.  Czar  Alexander  adheres  to  March 
15  as  his  day  of  departure. 

To  the  amusements  of  the  great  world  here  be- 
longs also  a  wager  which  Czar  Alexander  made 
recently  with  Flore  Wrbna  to  determine  which 
one  could  dress  most  completely  in  the  shortest 
time.  They  both  went  to  Zichy's  in  the  evening 
in  negligee  and  changed  to  formal  court  attire. 
Flore  won  the  wager.  She  dressed  in  one  and 
one  half  minutes  and  the  czar  in  two  and  one  half. 
When  he  returned  to  the  salon  he  found  all  the 
other  women  also  attired  in  full  formal  dress,  in 
a  sort  of  masquerade  of  old  court  costumes.  How 
ingenious  and  amusing  all  this  is! 

You  ask  me  whether  the  king  [of  Prussia]  will 
adopt  the  title  of  kaiser.  He  would  not  wish  to 
do  this,  and  it  would  also  not  be  possible  to  ac- 
complish it.  We  have  just  as  much  influence 
without  the  name. 

But  would  you  believe — this  wholly  between 
us — that  Stein  has  the  foolhardiness  to  work  at 
this  task  and  try,  through  Russia,  to  get  Austria 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  193 

recognized  as  kaiser — Austria,  to  which  it  ought 
to  be  perfectly  indifferent  politically  whether  or 
not  France  again  obtains  a  part  of  the  Rhine 
provinces,  as  Gentz  himself  admitted  to  me !  The 
amusing  thing  about  it  is  that  Stein  includes  an 
overly  long  and  bitter  tirade  on  the  un- German 
character  of  Austria  in  his  proposal,  and  asks  that 
the  imperial  dignity  be  given  Austria  for  this 
reason,  so  that  it  will  become  closer  allied  to 
Germany.  I  prepared  a  document  in  rebuttal 
yesterday. 

It  is  an  eternal  mistake  that  Bavaria  has  been 
allowed  to  remain  so  large  as  it  is,  and  perhaps 
will  be  made  even  larger,  but  wholly  through 
Austria's  fault.  Metternich  had  such  a  great  fear 
of  Napoleon  that  he  looked  on  Wrede  as  a  savior. 
Afterward  Metternich  used  clumsy  political 
methods  on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the  other  al- 
lowed himself  to  be  fooled ;  in  short,  he  acted  un- 
wisely, and  it  is  impossible  in  coalitions  to  pre- 
vent the  mistakes  of  one  power.  Yet  Bavaria 
will  never  get  to  be  dangerous,  and  serious  war 
against  us  will  result  in  its  most  certain  ruin. 

VIENNA,  March  7,  1815. 

To-day,  dear  heart,  I  bring  you  strange  news, 
which  probably  will  not  astonish  you,  as  you  have 
often  predicted  it.  Napoleon  has  disappeared 
with  his  whole  army — actually  only  from  1000 


194    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

to  1500  men — from  the  island  of  Elba,  and  it  is 
not  yet  known  whence  he  has  gone.  The  news 
arrived  here  to-day  by  courier  from  the  English 
ambassador  in  Florence,  and  therefore  is  trust- 
worthy. It  was  great  carelessness  on  the  part  of 
the  English  not  to  have  ships  around  the  island 
at  least  so  long  as  there  is  a  state  of  unrest  in 
Italy ;  but  they  had  none. 

A  sort  of  English  overseer,  Campbell,  was 
there,  but  in  a  very  small  ship.  He  actually  ob- 
served Napoleon's  plans ;  but  being  unable  to  of- 
fer resistance,  he  left  out  of  fear  that  he  might 
himself  be  taken  along.  As  soon  as  he  considered 
it  safe  he  returned,  and  learned  that  Napoleon 
had  left  on  the  evening  of  the  twrenty-sixth  under 
sail.  He  embarked  on  a  number  of  little  ships, 
— I  think  three, — of  which  he  had  leased  two,  and 
took  with  him  provisions  for  six  days.  On  the 
twenty-seventh  he  was  still  within  sight  of  the 
island.  He  took  a  northernly  direction.  His 
mother,  the  Borghese  [Pauline  Bonaparte],  and 
the  wife  of  General  Bertrand  remained  behind. 
The  Borghese  demanded  passage  to  Rome. 

Wherever  he  may  have  gone  leads  to  exhaus- 
tion of  advice  and  conjectures.  It  is  certain— 
and  this  is  the  fortunate  part — that  if  this  ad- 
venture does  not  succeed,  he  will  no  longer  be  able 
to  save  himself  from  destruction.  It  will  no 
longer  be  necessary  to  practise  any  sort  of  for- 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  195 

bearance  toward  him,  and  he  can  be  shot  dead  like 
a  robber.  The  right  to  do  that  existed  even  ear- 
lier ;  so  I  would  not  like  to  be  responsible  for  him 
now,  even  if  he  is  made  a  prisoner. 

He  is  discussed  here  with  a  great  deal  of  in- 
difference, which,  however,  is  wrholly  assumed. 
At  bottom  they  are  really  most  apprehensive. 
They  look  for  \var  in  Italy  and  are  not  the  most 
confident.  Schwarzenberg  will  be  sent  there  at 
once,  and  troops  already  have  been  ordered  there, 
enough  to  make  140,000  men  for  Italy.  They 
departed,  however,  only  a  few  days  ago. 

This  event  will  undoubtedly  bring  nearer  the 
end  of  the  Congress.  Talleyrand  drew  this  moral 
of  acceleration  from  it  to-day,  as  every  one  will 
have  more  to  do  at  home. 

You  cannot  imagine  how  the  foremost  [of  the 
Prussian  staff]  are  alarmed  and  wish  to  make 
preparations.  Only  the  chancellor  is  an  excep- 
tion. He  is  calm,  and  if  danger  ensued,  would 
act  most  firmly.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  only  Prus- 
sia is  to  be  depended  upon.  It  is  also  peculiar 
that  virtually  all  the  Prussians  are  cheerful  at 
the  news.  They  seem  to  regard  this  occurrence 
as  an  opportunity  for  testing  what  is  false  in  men 
and  nations  and  what  has  to  be  exterminated, 
which  is  the  correct  view. 


196    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

VIENNA,  March  13,  1815. 

The  King  of  Saxony  refuses  most  emphatic- 
ally to  say  "Yes"  and  wishes  to  negotiate.  He 
was  rather  harsh  to  Wellington  and  Metternich. 
These  are  now  greatly  opposed  to  him.  He  pre- 
sented a  note  of  justification,  which  caused  Well- 
ington to  say  to  me:  "He  must  be  answered 
sharply.  He  must  be  treated  so  meanly  that  he 
will  feel  himself  blacker  than  my  boots." 

No  one  knows  anything  about  Xapoleon.  To- 
night, however,  we  shall  prepare  a  declaration, 
according  to  which  any  one  may  shoot  him,  and 
which  will  be  printed  everywhere  and  distributed 
widely. 

VIENNA,  March  14,  1815. 

We  are  lying  here  in  a  wonderful  state  of  ex- 
pectation. The  public  announcement  [making 
Napoleon  an  outlaw]  which  I  am  sending  you 
herewith,  so  that  you  will  have  a  copy  for  your- 
self, is  up  to  now  the  only  creative  wrork  of  the 
Congress  in  this  case.  The  foundation  was  made 
by  Gentz,  and  it  was  corrected  later  by  every- 
body, for  the  last  time  last  night  at  a  four-hour 
conference  of  twenty  persons,  with  whom  it  is 
difficult  to  arrive  anywhere.  In  the  first  draft 
was  a  statement  that  any  one  wrho  met  him  could 
destroy  him  [exter miner]. 

This  seemed  too  drastic  to  Emperor  Francis, 
and  so  he  suggested  that  it  be  changed  to  read 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  197 

that  every  one  who  supports  his  government, 
ruler,  etc.,  shall  have  the  right  to  destroy  him. 
The  English  found  making  a  private  amusement 
out  of  the  murder  of  a  tyrant  a  bit  too  strenuous, 
and  so  the  only  part  that  actually  pleased  me  has 
been  left  out  entirely. 

Metternich  to-day  related  at  a  little  confer- 
ence that  he  gave  a  copy  of  the  declaration  to 
Marie  Louise,  and  that  she  asked  him  what 
would  be  done  with  her  husband  if  he  were 
caught.  He  replied  that  if  caught  in  Austria,  he 
would  be  imprisoned ;  and  if  in  France,  he  might 
easily  be  hanged.  She  replied  that  it  was  sad  if 
her  son  should  have  a  hanged  man  for  his  father. 
Even  if  the  accuracy  of  this  story  may  be  partly 
questioned,  it  is  still  horrible  that  Metternich, 
who  so  dastardly  sacrificed  this  woman,  who 
would  be  most  unhappy  if  she  had  any  feelings, 
still  dares  to  talk  with  her  or  to  make  up  such  a 
story  and  tell  it.  It  takes  more  than  a  will  of  iron 
to  do  that. 

VIENNA,  March  17,  1815. 

The  situation  is  very  serious.  Napoleon  really 
entered  Grenoble  on  the  eighth,  and  never  before 
was  seen  such  illumination  and  joy.  Before  he 
reached  Grenoble  a  regiment  coming  from  Cham- 
bery  passed  to  his  side.  When  he  met  the  first 
French  troops  with  his  thousand  men  he  walked 
forward  with  his  hands  behind  his  back  and  said 


198    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

to  them,  "Void  votre  general  ["Here  is  your 
general"].  The  colonel  thereupon  embraced  him, 
and  the  regiment  went  over  to  him.  The  colonel 
[Huchet  de  Labedoyere]  is  a  cousin  of  Flahault 
and  was  an  adjutant  to  Eugene.  In  Grenoble 
the  troops  mutinied,  but  the  General  Marchand 
and  Desirailles  remained  loyal,  and  had  to  save 
themselves  secretly  with  160  men  and  a  few  can- 
non. Everything  else  fell  to  Napoleon.  He  then 
marched  toward  Lyons  with  6000  men. 

You  should  see  Talleyrand.  I  am  writing  you 
from  the  conference  which  we  have  just  had. 
Wellington  said  we  ought  to  know  what  we  are 
going  to  do  if  Napoleon  is  in  Paris  and  in  control 
of  all  France.  There  was  silence  for  a  moment. 
I  said,  "We  will  do  what  we  did  in  1813,  and 
what  has  just  been  expressed — make  no  peace 
and  no  truce  with  him."  Then  the  others  joined 
in,  and  Wellington  spoke  reasonably.  He  will 
be  in  command. 

Adieu,  dear,  sweet  child.  I  know  you.  It  will 
pain  you,  but  you  know  real  hate  and  true  love, 
and  it  has  to  be  settled  sometime.  As  things  are 
now,  can  we  use  life  to  better  advantage? 

VIENNA,  March  19,  1815. 
Dear  Li,  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the 
fourteenth,  and  seen  with  deep  pleasure  how  you 
take  the  affair  with  Napoleon.    I  thought  imme- 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  199 

diately  that  it  would  not  dishearten  you  in  any 
manner.  Our  news  from  Paris  is  only  up  to  the 
eleventh ;  from  this  it  was  expected  with  certainty 
that  Napoleon  had  reached  Lyons.  According 
to  this,  he  should-  be  considered  the  master  of 
France. 

I  like  to  have  you  know  what  I  am  thinking  of 
and  planning  to  do ;  my  system,  therefore,  is  that 
we  fight  Napoleon  honestly  and  faithfully,  with 
special  regard  always  for  our  own  defense;  that 
we  make  sure  of  all  the  means  at  our  command 
to  this  end,  and  therefore  do  not  give  up  Sax- 
ony ;  that  we  exercise  an  orderly  influence  on  Ger- 
many during  the  campaign;  and,  finally,  that 
neither  we  nor  our  allies  tie  our  hands  against 
the  Bourbons  and  that  we  enter  into  no  unneces- 
sary entanglements. 

God  knows  how  much  or  how  little  I  shall  be 
able  to  accomplish  of  this.  I  am  in  a  most  diffi- 
cult position,  and  among  us  [that  is,  Prussians] 
there  are  innumerable  significant  things  that 
worry  me,  and  of  which  I  can  write  you  only 
through  Hedemann. 

Gneisenau  has  other  ideas,  as  I  see  in  a  com- 
munication of  his,  that  he  has  not  imparted  to  me. 
He  does  not  favor  united  action,  and  would  even 
leave  Napoleon  in  power,  and,  according  to  him, 
we  would  fight  wholly  for  ourselves,  although 
also  for  the  right.  I  cannot  share  these  views; 


200    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

they  are  not  a  part  of  my  politics,  and  might  be 
carried  out  only  if  we  had  a  king  like  Frederick 
II  in  his  early  years,  and  even  then  would  be  an 
experiment.  The  government  of  a  chancellor 
and  ministers  under  a  king  who  certainly  thinks 
differently  must  follow  a  system  of  greater  co- 
operation. 

VIENNA,  March  27,  1815. 

A  most  disturbing  report  is  being  circulated 
about  France;  namely,  that  of  Ney's  desertion 
and  Suchet's  indecision.  If  both  these  things  are 
true,  Bonaparte  will  without  any  doubt  reach 
Paris  without  a  shot.  A  Government  can  hardly 
experience  a  greater  disgrace  than  that. 

A  treaty  of  alliance — this  is  between  us — is 
now  being  prepared  between  Austria,  Prussia, 
Russia,  and  England,  which  we  will  sign  to-night. 
It  is  drawn  up  in  most  ordinary  phraseology. 
With  a  great  deal  of  difficulty  I  finally  succeeded 
in  eliminating  everything  that  would  have  made 
it  merely  a  treaty  of  assistance  to  the  Bourbons. 
One  article,  however,  was  put  in  over  my  head: 
this  includes  the  expression  "when  the  Bourbons 
call  on  us  for  help."  But  it  has  been  made  in- 
nocuous, and  will  be  even  more  so,  as  the  Bour- 
bons, if  things  go  badly,  will  not  even  be  able  to 
hold  their  position  in  France. 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS          201 

VIENNA,  March  28,  1815. 
The  situation  in  France  has  reached  its  climax 
for  the  moment.  We  received  a  telegraphic  re- 
port to-day  from  Strasburg  through  Baden  that 
Bonaparte  apparently  entered  Paris  on  the  twen- 
ty-second. An  hour  later  the  white  flag  was  re- 
moved from  the  tower.  What  has  happened  to 
the  king  is  not  yet  known.  Ney's  desertion  is 
said  to  be  confirmed.  We  are  assured  that  he 
kissed  the  king's  hand  in  tears,  and  promised  that 
if  it  was  not  otherwise  he  would  serve  him  as  a 
volunteer.  Talleyrand  said  to  me  to-day, 
"Avouez  quil  ny  a  pas  de  nation  aussi  indigne 
que  la  mienne"  ["You  must  admit  that  there  is 
no  nation  so  unworthy  as  mine"].  The  way  in 
which  he  finds  this  out  is  often  laughable  to  me. 

VIENNA,  April  9,  1815. 

More  letters  have  come  from  Napoleon  and 
Hortense,  which  are  now  always  opened  in  the 
conferences  and  read  there.  Napoleon  writes 
with  a  fist  that  hardly  any  one  can  read,  usually 
on  a  duodecimo  sheet  of  paper.  Above  is  the 
word  "Tuilleries,"  and  the  fact  that  he  can  write 
this  must  have  pleased  him  extraordinarily,  and 
this  word  is  of  course  the  greatest  indignity  for 
the  Bourbons.  His  letters  always  begin  with 
"Ma  bonne  Louise,"  and  everything  is  always 
"tu"  ["thou"]. 


202    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

The  whole  takes  only  a  little  page,  and  the 
principal  phrases  are : cc Je  suis  maitre  de  toute  la 
France.  Le  soi-disant  roi  s'est  embarque  pour 
I'Angleterre.  Je  passe  tons  les  jours  en  revue 
25,000  hommes.  La  France  ne  craint  rien  de 
personne"  ["I  am  master  of  all  France.  The  so- 
called  king  has  embarked  for  England.  I  daily 
hold  a  review  of  25,000  men.  France  fears  no 
one"]. 

These  sentences  are  written  so  illegibly  that 
the  chancellor  still  maintains  that  this  is  not  what 
it  says.  " La  France"  is  clear ;  "rien  de  personne" 
I  deciphered ;  "craint"  which  is  in  one  word,  with 
"ne"  was  found  by  Wessenberg.  He  then  tells 
her  to  come,  and  at  the  end  writes :  "Fais  que  tu 
sots  le  15  ou  20  Avril  avec  mon  fits  a  Strasbourg" 
["On  the  15th  or  20th  of  April  be  with  my  son  at 
Strasburg"].  The  conclusion  is,  "Adieu,  tour  a 
toi"  ["Adieu,  wholly  yours"]. 

Hortense  writes  very  few  words  to  her  brother 
[Eugene  de  Beauharnais] .  He  is  to  come  as  soon 
as  possible  to  Paris,  but  if  he  does  not  wish  to  do 
so,  he  is  to  be  of  service  to  the  emperor  [Na- 
poleon] in  Vienna  and  write  what  he  has  already 
done  toward  this  end.  One  of  the  two  things  is 
absolutely  necessary,  else  others  will  gain  favor 
before  him.  She  says  that  Napoleon  will  con- 
firm the  Paris  treaty  and  adds,  "Si  les  puissances 
veulent  pourtant  la  guerre,  elle  sera  horrible;  le 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  203 

peuple  et  I'armee  nont  jamais  eie  aussi  unis" 
["If  the  powers  wish  war  despite  everything,  it 
will  be  a  terrible  one;  the  people  and  the  army 
have  never  been  so  united"].  Of  herself  she  says, 
"On  me  traite  assez  bien,  mais  tout  depend  pour- 
tant  de  ton  arrivee"  ["I  am  treated  very  well, 
but  despite  that  everything  depends  on  your  ar- 
rival."] This  makes  me  think  only  of  the  old 
Antonio's  clever  remark,  "Massa  di  canaglia" 

Despite  all  this,  despite  my  most  emphatic  and 
audacious  talking,  Eugene  is  leaving  here  for 
Bayreuth,  it  is  said,  exactly  the  place  where,  if  the 
war  should  go  against  us,  he  can  be  most  dan- 
gerous with  regard  to  Bavaria  and  Saxony. 

Hostilities  have  begun  in  Italy.  Murat  has 
pushed  forward  to  Bologna.  A  number  of  shots 
have  been  fired.  Metternich  said  in  his  conference 
that  the  Austrian  troops  were  not  powerful 
enough  there  to  offer  strong  resistance. 

VIENNA,  April  30,  1815. 

Clancarty  made  a  fitting  motion  regarding  the 
presents  of  the  Congress,  namely  the  snuff-boxes. 
He  stated  that  so  many  delegates  and  others  have 
come  here  that  these  presents  would  reach  an 
enormous  sum,  which  would  arouse  discussion 
even  in  parliament.  We  have  therefore  agreed 
that  only  the  four  original  powers  were  to  make 
presents  to  one  another.  If  this  is  carried  out,  I 


shall  receive  three,  a  matter  of  perhaps  10,000 
thaler. 

Whether  the  others  have  profited  in  another 
manner  by  the  Congress  I  do  not  know  and  do 
not  care  to  believe.  You  know  me  on  this  point. 
I  have  most  antique  principles  in  that  regard, 
and  love  those  people  whose  daughters  are  given 
dowries  at  public  expense  because  they  have  none 
of  their  own. 

VIENNA,  May  5,  1815. 

In  this  interval  I  have  been  compelled  to  un- 
dertake something  that  will  cause  you  the  great- 
est astonishment,  and  which  I  will  entrust  you 
with  only  under  the  seal  of  greatest  secrecy. 

Just  think  that  I,  in  my  forty-eighth  year,  a 
minister,  during  the  Congress  have  had  to  fight, 
and  with  whom?  With  the  minister  of  war, 
Boy  en,  whom  you  know.  As  we  both  returned 
uninjured,  the  matter  has  had  nothing  tragic 
about  it.  I  will  tell  it  to  you  from  the  beginning 
with  all  the  frankness  possible. 

At  two  o'clock  the  day  before  yesterday  there 
was  a  conference  at  Metternich's  on  the  general 
provisioning  of  the  armies,  and  in  addition  to 
the  regular  delegates  the  only  non-delegate  was 
Boyen;  then  Stewart  and  Minister  were  also 
present. 

When  the  matter  that  interested  Boyen  had 
been  disposed  of  and  a  few  other  affairs  had  been 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  205 

settled,  Nesselrode  came  to  me  and  said  that 
Metternich  wished  to  make  a  secret  communica- 
tion to  us  regarding  a  letter  from  Napoleon  to 
the  emperor,  and  asked  whether  I  would  have 
Boyen  leave.  There  was  nothing  in  this  proposal 
to  insult  Boyen,  but  I  should  not  have  mixed  in 
the  affair  at  all.  I  should  have  left  this  to  the 
chancellor,  and  furthermore  should  have  told 
Boyen  the  exact  truth.  How  unfortunately 
things  do  go  sometimes!  Without  reflection  I 
rose,  spoke  to  Boyen,  took  him  to  the  door  un- 
der a  pretext,  and  led  him  through  Metternich's 
long  hall.  It  occurred  to  me  that  I  also  might 
leave.  However,  as  I  always  was  apprehensive 
of  letters  of  this  kind,  I  did  not  think  this  a  wise 
thing  to  do. 

When  I  left  Boyen  he  told  me  that  I  had 
bowed  him  out  rather  clumsily,' which  might  have 
been  true  as  far  as  he  was  concerned,  but  which 
did  not  apply  otherwise,  for  even  the  chancellor 
believed  that  he  had  left  of  his  own  accord. 

I  considered  the  matter  closed  with  his  sar- 
casm; but  as  it  occurred  to  me  that  he  might  be 
angry,  and  as  this  pained  me  a  great  deal,  for 
I  think  much  of  him,  I  accosted  him  when  he 
came  to  dine  with  the  chancellor  and  asked  him 
if  he  was  angry.  He  did  not  let  me  talk  out,  but 
said  at  once  that  we  would  have  an  understand- 
ing. Thus  we  went  to  dinner.  After  dinner  I 


206    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

went  to  him,  but  found  him  so  vehement  that  I 
immediately  said  that  I  was  sorry  and  that  I 
would  not  defend  my  action  on  the  ground  of 
thoughtlessness.  Bygones  were  bygones,  and 
that  I  was  ready  to  fight  him  if  he  so  desired. 

He  said  that  was  all  he  wished,  and  so  our  con- 
versation quieted  down.  I  made  the  condition  that 
we  should  say  nothing  to  any  one,  and  should 
have  no  seconds,  who  might  part  us  and  make 
the  matter  fail.  Also,  as  I  did  not  see  why,  with 
all  my  work,  I  should  go  to  the  trouble  of  pro- 
curing pistols,  I  asked  him  to  provide  them,  and 
said  that  on  my  part  I  would  find  a  quiet  spot. 
He  found  it  most  poetical  that  I  wanted  to  fight 
with  his  pistols  without  bothering  about  them  my- 
self, but  agreed  to  do  so,  and  his  heat  abated  con- 
siderably. 

He  directed  my  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
people  in  the  room — we  stood  on  the  balcony  of 
the  second  story — were  observing  us.  I  told  him 
that  this  was  his  fault,  as  I  had  offered  to  drive 
with  him  in  my  carriage,  which  stood  at  the  door ; 
he  said  that  such  civilities  went  a  little  too  far  if 
men  were  going  to  fight  each  other.  I  recalled  to 
him  that  Ariosto  speaks  of  two  knights  riding  the 
same  horse  in  such  circumstances,  and  thus  we 
separated. 

We  had  agreed  to  meet  to-day  at  eleven 
o'clock,  and  it  was  my  idea  to  go  to  the  Prater. 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  207 

Early  yesterday  morning  it  happened  that  he 
had  to  come  to  me  for  a  conference  that  had  been 
agreed  upon  before.  After  the  conference  he  told 
me  that  he  had  not  yet  purchased  the  pistols  and 
that  he  could  not  meet  me  at  eleven  to-day.  I 
also  told  him  that  I  thought  the  Prater  rather  out 
of  place  as  a  spot  for  a  combat  between  two  min- 
isters of  state,  and  that  we  would  do  better  to 
take  an  afternoon  drive  later  on.  So  we  left  the 
time  indefinite. 

Yesterday  noon  I  dined  with  him  at  the  chan- 
cellor's and  told  Hardenberg,  whose  lynx  eyes 
had  observed  our  conversation,  that  we  had  come 
to  an  agreement,  and  Boyen  told  him  the  same 
thing. 

The  chancellor  went  to  Laxenburg  to-day,  and 
as  I  had  been  challenged,  I  could  not  let  the  af- 
fair rest,  no  matter  how  serious  it  might  be  to  me 
because  of  the  possible  sensation  that  might  re- 
sult. Therefore  I  wrote  Boyen  early  this  morn- 
ing that  so  good  an  opportunity  would  not  come 
again  and  that  I  would  be  at  his  house  at  three 
o'clock.  I  had  an  idea  that  we  wrould  ride  to  the 
Kalten  Berg  [Kahlenberg].  I  attended  con- 
ferences from  eleven  to  two,  and  at  two  I  wrote 
you  the  lines  which  you  will  have  received  by  this 
time,  then  dined, — which  the  Homeric  heroes  also 
did  before  their  battles, — and  went  to  Boyen.  I 
found  him  alone,  and  he  said  he  did  not  think  it 


208    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

expedient  for  us  to  be  without  any  one,  and  that 
he  would  take  Wolzogen,  the  major,  with  us.  I 
naturally  had  no  objection,  so  we  called  him. 
You  can  imagine  the  astonishment  and  terror  of 
poor  Wolzogen.  He  wanted  to  argue  with  us, 
but  we  soon  calmed  him.  Boyen  was  more 
friendly  than  on  the  previous  days,  yet  very  seri- 
ous and  gloomy;  and  as  for  me,  as  you  know,  I 
have  never  been  angry  with  any  one  in  my  life. 

I  had  learned  from  Cathcart  at  the  morning 
conference  that  his  entire  family  had  gone  to  the 
Kalten  Berg,  so  I  changed  our  plans,  and  had  us 
driven  to  the  Spitz.  Between  the  first  and  the 
last  bridge  I  suggested  that  we  get  out  and  go 
into  the  shrubbery  toward  the  Danube.  We  did 
so,  but  had  to  wander  about  a  great  deal  before 
we  found  a  quiet  place,  a  pretty  meadow  close  to 
a  wood. 

Boyen  wanted  me  to  shoot  first;  but  as  he  was 
the  insulted,  I  did  not  need  to  do  so,  and  I  had  a 
good  reason  of  my  own  for  not  doing  so. 

He  fired  first.  I  had  been  frankly  in  doubt 
until  he  fired  whether  he  actually  meant  to  shoot 
at  me  or  not.  On  the  one  side,  it  was  clear  that 
things  would  be  most  disagreeable  for  the  man 
who  was  wounded  in  this  duel.  As  we  are  both 
needed  now,  the  latter  would  be  the  most  criti- 
cized. On  the  other  hand,  he  had  been  in  such  a 
temper  and  had  remained  so,  and  seemed  to  have 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  209 

such  serious  ideas  on  the  subject,  that  I  could  not 
well  act  differently. 

He  aimed  long  and  directly  at  me,  but  I  saw 
that  in  the  moment  of  firing  he  deflected  his 
pistol.  My  gun  refused  to  work.  As  it  was  ap- 
parent that  I  had  aimed  to  one  side,  Boyen  would 
not  permit  the  shot  to  be  counted.  I  assured  him 
that  it  would  not  be  different  if  I  aimed  directly 
at  him,  as  this  wrould  make  me  miss  the  easier. 
But  when  he  urged  me  further,  I  told  him  that 
after  having  given  him  cause  for  this,  it  could 
not  occur  to  me  to  wound  him  still  more,  and  to 
act  as  if  I  were  shooting,  as  he  had  done,  I  also 
would  not  do,  because  I  could  not  control  m> 
shot.  In  addition  it  was  for  him  to  say  whether 
he  considered  himself  satisfied  or  not.  He  said 
"Yes,"  and  we  went  to  the  bridge  of  the  Danube, 
where  we  talked  a  great  deal  with  each  other  in 
a  friendly  way,  drove  home,  and  parted  on  the 
best  of  terms. 

Poor  Wolzogen  appeared  unusually  glad,  for 
it  could  be  plainly  seen,  that  he  was  fearful  dur- 
ing the  whole  ride  and  did  not  know  what  to 
make  of  it. 

I  have  passed  through  this  battle  in  the  most 
unsoldierly  fashion,  for  except  for  the  few  sec- 
onds when  I  held  the  pistol,  I  did  everything 
with  my  baguette  [little  cane]. 

I  gave  thought  to  the  fact  that  the  matter 


210    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

might  become  most  serious,  and  above  all  I 
thought  of  you  and  the  children,  even  if  this  does 
not  appear  from  the  little  slip  that  I  sent  you. 
But  it  seemed  to  me  that  it  would  have  been  un- 
worthy with  respect  to  you,  even  if  ordinarily 
such  a  thing  was  not  in  my  nature,  to  attempt  to 
find  a  way  out  in  view  of  the  fact  that  Boyen 
took  the  matter  so  seriously.  You  have  no  idea 
how  deeply  he  felt  insulted.  The  whole  affair 
was  most  peculiar  to  me,  and  I  have  made  dis- 
coveries with  which  I  would  not  like  to  part.  I 
am  also  convinced  that  the  mater  is  cleared  up 
with  Boyen  forever,  which  would  not  have  been 
the  case  if  I  had  avoided  the  duel  even  in  the 
best  and  most  proper  manner. 

I  have  forgotten  to  tell  you  about  Napoleon's 
letter.  It  came  through  because  he  entrusted  it 
to  a  Belgian  who  was  also  an  Austrian  chamber- 
lain. It  was  written  very  cunningly,  for  it  turned 
on  the  idea  that  Emperor  Francis  would  not  keep 
Marie  Louise,  the  wife,  from  her  husband  nor 
the  little  child  from  his  father.  It  was  well  also 
that  I  did  not  go  away  with  Boyen,  for  Metter- 
nich  really  wished  to  reply  to  Caulaincourt  on 
the  most  intimate  family  affairs.  But  I  objected 
to  this  immediately,  and  so  did  the  others,  espe- 
cially Razumoffski  [Rasumovskij]  and  Stewart. 
Farewell,  dearly  beloved  heart! 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS          211 

VIENNA,  May  12,  1815. 

A  most  unpleasant  incident  has  occurred,  dear 
Li;  namely,  a  revolution  has  fairly  broken  out 
against  us  among  the  Saxon  troops  in  Liege. 
Bliicher,  Gneisenau,  and  general  headquarters 
had  to  save  themselves  by  fleeing  through  back 
doors,  and  in  this  way  out  of  the  city  and  the 
state.  The  mistake  was  made  of  talking  about 
this  division  [of  Saxony]  before  it  had  actually 
been  effected,  and  I  was  present  recently  and  had 
a  lively  altercation  with  Boyen  and  Grolman. 
It  seemed  to  me  as  if  the  partition  might  well 
have  been  postponed  until  after  the  war.  The 
armies  might  have  been  left  to  serve  together, 
as,  for  instance,  under  Wellington,  and  the  re- 
cruiting done  only  in  the  Saxon  territories,  using 
those  who  volunteer  as  the  nucleus  for  new  regi- 
ments that  might  be  completed  from  our  lands. 
The  military,  however,  seems  to  treat  this  as  a 
point  of  honor,  and  I  understood  that  when  Grol- 
man departed  he  carried  an  implicit  order  for  the 
partitioning  with  him.  This  was  made  public 
after  his  arrival,  and  what  I  have  related  then 
occurred. 

I  recently  angered  little  Metternich  again. 
Talleyrand  has  in  his  company  an  old  man.  La 
Besnardieres,  a  councilor  of  state  who  was  with 
Caulaincourt  in  Chatillon;  as  a  matter  of  fact,  a 
supporter  of  Bonaparte  and  an  intriguer,  but 


A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

shrewd.  He  wants  to  go  back  to  France,  and 
Metternich  suggested  that  he  had  a  parrot  and  a 
sister,  and  would  die  if  he  was  not  with  them. 
The  others  did  not  say  much.  I  remarked  dryly 
that  in  addition  to  a  parrot  and  a  sister  he  also 
still  had  a  king,  and  thereby  spoiled  the  whole 
project  for  this  time  at  least.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  hardly  any  man  could  be  more  dangerous 
in  Paris;  for  he  knows  all  our  gossip,  our  dis- 
agreements, all  intrigues. 

VIENNA,  May  21,  1815. 

It  is  half -past  one  o'clock,  and  I  have  just 
come  from  a  conference  at  Metternich's,  dear  Li ; 
but  I  will  tell  you  a  few  words  before  I  go  to 
bed.  To-day  we  had  a  so-called  German  confer- 
ence with  Austria  and  Hanover,  which  might 
much  better  be  called  an  un-German  conference. 
If  you  could  have  been  there,  you  would  have 
become  indignant.  I  hardly  speak  now  of  any- 
thing that  is  concerned  with  the  most  worthy  mo- 
tives, but  wholly  with  the  mechanical,  but  the 
ineptitude  and  indiscretion  are  terrible. 

Yesterday  we  had  already  completed  the  whole 
enormous  and  unimportant  draft.  To-day  Met- 
ternich came  with  several  insertions  that  said 
nothing,  and  so  for  an  hour  long  the  matter  was 
chewed  over,  tested,  and  altered,  without  the 
least  progress  being  made.  I  was  silent,  because 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS  213 

it  makes  a  person  indignant  to  be  present  at  such 
an  affair.  When  finally  nothing  was  accomplished 
and  all  the  attempts  and  starts  of  Metternich 
brought  nothing  to  paper,  I  was  forced  to  speak 
and  to  write,  and  when  this  pretty  work  was  com- 
pleted, Metternich  rose,  filled  with  pride,  and 
said,  "We  need  not  despair;  we  are  always  mak- 
ing progress."  Children  could  not  do  worse. 

You  have  no  idea  what  a  lot  of  trouble  is  made 
by  men  who  wish  special  advantages.  The  hered- 
itary Prince  of  Strelitz  is  continuously,  at  least 
interchangeably,  angry  with  me ;  the  Coburgs  are 
like  burs;  the  Taxis  woman  growls  occasionally, 
and  now  and  again  finds  out  that  I  still  treat  her 
better  than  the  others  do;  the  Collereda,  who 
wants  forest  country  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rhine,  writes  billets  a  yard  long.  Others  are 
very  well  satisfied  with  me;  for  instance,  Rodol- 
stadt.  At  least,  I  hope  so. 

Gentz  is  working  hard  and  busily,  despite  any 
other  failings  he  may  have.  They  wanted  to 
give  him  the  order  of  the  Red  Eagle,  but  I  put  a 
stop  to  that.  The  orders  should  be  kept  invio- 
late so  much  as  possible,  and  during  the  winter 
and  especially  in  the  Saxon  affair  he  did  not  act 
favorably  toward  us  in  any  matter,  not  taking 
into  consideration  any  friendliness  for  Harden- 
berg  and  myself.  Upon  Napoleon's  arrival  in 
Paris  he  was  suddenly  interested  in  the  great- 


214    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

ness  of  this  event,  and  told  me,  with  the  greatest 
secrecy,  that  there  was  great  wisdom  in  this  Gov- 
ernment. Metternich  himself  thought  he  might 
be  regarded  as  dead.  Once  when  Pauline  [Prin- 
cess of  Hohenzollern]  addressed  him  with  the 
name  of  Jacobin  when  he  visited  her  and  when 
a  great  many  guests  were  present,  he  reflected; 
and,  as  if  scales  had  fallen  from  his  eyes,  found 
that  he  was  in  this  repute,  and  became  contrite 
and  angry  at  the  same  time,  and  since  then  has 
kept  more  to  himself. 

You  know  that  Vera  [a  Roman  agent]  is  here 
in  order  to  get  Elba  and  Piombino  back  for  the 
Prince  of  Piombino.  I  was  greatly  interested  in 
the  case,  and  Vera  to-day  promised  most  seri- 
ously to  give  me  the  great  Juno  [the  Juno  of 
Ludovisi]  if  I  put  the  matter  through.  It  has 
moved  me  extraordinarily  that  such  an  antique 
goddess  is  to  let  herself  be  bartered  and  sold  in 
the  North. 

VIENNA,  June  1,  1815. 

In  these  last  days  many  things  are  being  de- 
cided, and  so  far  I  have  had  a  great  deal  of  luck. 
This  between  us.  The  pope  may  thank  me  for 
the  most  part  that  he  did  not  have  to  give  up 
50,000  souls  to  Eugene  [de  Beauharnais],  and, 
namely,  Ferrara. 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS          215 

VIENNA,  June  4,  1815. 

I  have  received  the  Anne  Order  in  diamonds 
from  Russia  for  the  signing  of  the  treaty  of  alli- 
ance, presumably  a  sort  of  revenge  on  the  part 
of  Czar  Alexander  for  the  fact  that  I  do  not  at 
all  bother  about  his  favor  and  his  personal  ap- 
probation, and  am  not  any  more  Russian  than  I 
have  to  be.  I  am  glad  to  have  it  for  that  reason. 
Otherwise  it  seems  as  if  it  has  been  carefully 
thought  out  to  irritate  me.  For  as  an  order  it  is 
hardly  appropriate  for  me,  and  as  a  gift  the  or- 
ders with  gems  are  usually  not  worth  much ;  they 
include  very  many  small  stones.  I  will  sell  it  at 
once  and  will  never  wear  it.  That  is  all  of  this. 
As  for  his  favor,  I  shall  do  neither  more  nor  less 
than  in  the  past.  If  we  ever  again  have  business 
with  each  other,  he  will  need  me  more  than  I 
will  need  him. 

I  refused  a  very  great  present  yesterday. 
Since  the  beginning  of  the  Congress  the  Jews 
have  tried  to  get  certain  civil  rights  in  Germany. 
I  have  always  favored  their  wishes.  I  know,  dear 
heart,  that  you  think  otherwise,  but  I  have 
thought  a  great  deal  about  it  at  different  times 
and  remained  faithful  to  my  former  view.  More- 
over, it  is  an  idea  of  my  youth.  Alexander  and 
I,  when  we  were  children,  were  regarded  as  pro- 
tectors of  the  Jews. 

I  also  became  interested  in  the  subject  here 


216    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

for  the  reason  that,  as  the  Jews  have  pretty 
nearly  all  the  rights  in  Prussia,  it  would  be  bet- 
ter for  us  if  these  privileges  became  general,  as 
else  all  the  Jews  would  stream  over  to  us.  For 
several  weeks  I  observed  that  the  Jewish  patrons 
grew  in  number,  and  as  Gentz  stood  at  their 
head,  the  reason  was  soon  clear.  The  Hanove- 
rian Hardenberg  also  informed  me  with  certainty 
that  the  former  had  actually  made  a  written  con- 
tract. 

In  the  meantime  I  had  no  offers;  but  an  old 
man  from  Prague,  whose  personality  pleased  me, 
as  he  did  not  belong  to  the  more  modern  Jews, 
came  to  see  me  several  times  and  recommended 
the  cause  to  me.  I  prepared  an  article  according 
to  my  convictions  in  the  present  conferences. 
This  proved  to  be  the  principal  subject  for  de- 
bate not  because  there  were  not  more  important 
things,  but  because  it  was  impossible  to  debate 
the  latter,  for  the  reason  that  they  would  disrupt 
the  Congress  rather  than  bring  it  closer  together. 

Metternich,  Wessenberg,  Hardenberg,  and  I 
acted  according  to  our  lights.  Rechberg  [Count 
von  Rechberg,  the  Bavarian  minister],  Darm- 
stadt, Saxony,  the  Hansa  cities,  were  principally 
against  it.  It  was  brought  up  in  two  sessions. 
Metternich,  according  to  his  custom,  virtually 
gave  the  matter  up,  but  I  continued  with  it,  gave 
it  a  new  turn,  and  made  it  virtually  innocuous, 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS         '217 

so  that  I  directed  it  to  the  forthcoming  federal 
assembly,  but  preserved  the  rights  already  won 
by  the  Jews.  A  great  deal  was  said  about  the 
matter,  but  every  one  knows  that  I  merely 
drafted  the  article  and  put  it  through. 

Yesterday  the  old  man  returned,  thanked  me 
without  end,  and  offered  me  as  a  present  three 
rings,  an  emerald  set  in  large  diamonds,  with  the 
option  that  if  I  did  not  wish  them,  I  could  draw 
on  him  for  over  4000  ducats.  I  refused  them  as 
well  as  the  money,  and  you  can  hardly  imagine 
the  astonishment  of  this  man  when  I  told  him 
without  affectation  or  bravado  that  I  had  done 
what  I  did  only  out  of  favor  to  the  Jews,  that 
I  would  take  nothing  for  it,  and  that  if  ever  there 
came  a  time  when  he  could  do  me  a  favor,  I  v/ould 
be  glad  to  avail  myself  of  it. 

I  have  told  the  incident  to  no  one  but  the  chan- 
cellor and  Hardenberg  [the  Hanoverian].  But 
I  know  through  Gentz  that  it  has  become  known 
and  had  a  great  effect.  The  old  Jew  will  not  be 
satisfied,  and  has  now  the  idea  of  having  a  silver 
service  made  for  me  with  the  view  of  sending  it 
to  me  within  a  year.  I  told  Gentz  that  I  would 
accept  nothing  in  ten  years,  and  I  won't.  Gentz 
cannot  imagine  that  it  is  possible  not  to  accept  a 
thing  of  this  sort,  and  to-day  explained  to  me 
in  a  long  discussion  that  it  is  a  puzzle  to  him  and 
an  inexplicable  action  on  my  part,  as  the  matter 


218'  A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

is  neither  indelicate  nor  unreasonable,  and  that  I 
do  not  do  it  out  of  ostentation  in  order  to  brag 
that  I  do  not  accept  gifts  from  Jews.  He  said 
this  most  seriously,  and  I  merely  told  him  that 
when  a  person  advocates  a  cause  as  warmly  as  I 
do  the  first  condition  is  a  clear  conscience. 
I  know  nothing  so  dishonorable  as  not  to  be  as 
clean  and  pure  as  gold  in  business  matters. 

Pardon  me  for  lingering  so  long  with  this,  but 
it  will  show  you  how  many  things,  if  not  all,  are 
carried  on  here. 

Farewell,  my  precious,  dearly  beloved. 

VIENNA,  June  9,  1815. 

I  have  been  extremely  busy  in  these  last  few 
days ;  everything  happened  at  once,  and  the  con- 
ferences do  not  end  until  late  at  night.  It  is 
after  midnight,  and  I  have  just  returned  from 
another.  We  signed  all  the  articles  of  the  great 
agreement  of  the  Congress — there  are  120  in  all 
— to-night,  and  there  is  virtually  only  one  other 
matter  to  be  settled,  which  is  to  be  completed  by 
to-morrow  noon.  We  have  had  the  duchy  be- 
longing to  Darmstadt  added  to  Westphalia,  but 
do  not  have  possession  of  it  yet,  because  Darm- 
stadt has  never  consented  to  a  reasonable  indem- 
nity. You  cannot  imagine  the  egotism  of  this 
sad  court,  and  Austria  is  so  weak  that  it  does 
not  know  how  to  deal  with  this  prince. 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS          219 

The  German  act  of  confederation  will  be 
signed  to-morrow.  It  has  finally  turned  out  to  be 
a  more  wretched  piece  of  work  than  it  was  in  the 
beginning.  In  the  case  of  this  king  everything 
depends  on  chance,  which  should  have  nothing 
to  do  with  it.  Three  days  ago  we  were  on  the 
verge  of  settling  the  affair  without  Bavaria.  No 
detailed  instructions  had  been  received,  as  they 
asserted,  by  Bavaria,  Saxony, — which  agreed 
with  Bavaria  on  the  whole,  even  if  not  in  detail, 
and  which  Metternich  could  not  keep  in  line,— 
and  Darmstadt,  and  every  one  was  at  a  loss  to 
know  what  to  do.  I  suggested  that  we  close  the 
agreement  between  ourselves  and  let  them  join 
later.  This  had  the  advantage  that  we  did  not 
need  to  make  concessions  in  matters  in  which 
thirty-two  votes  were  united  against  three,  and 
left  an  opportunity  for  them  to  sign,  the  only  dif- 
ference being  in  the  order  of  signature.  Every- 
thing was  agreed  upon ;  I  had  made  the  necessary 
changes,  and  we  were  to  sign  on  the  following 
day. 

On  the  following  day  Metternich  wrote  that 
Rechberg  had  received  his  instructions,  which  dif- 
fered from  our  view  only  in  a  few  particulars. 
But  among  these  particulars  was  an  important 
one;  namely,  that  Bavaria  would  not  abide  by 
the  decision  of  the  federal  court.  The  other 
things  were  of  no  consequence,  but  as  we  had 


220    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

already  weakened  the  whole  federation  for  the 
benefit  of  Bavaria,  this  was  the  last  drop  that 
overflowed  my  cup. 

This  led  me  to  believe  that  by  eliminating  Ba- 
varia we  could  make  the  federation  stronger, 
better,  and  more  popular  among  the  others.  I 
therefore  made  two  proposals:  we  would  either 
proceed  along  the  lines  that  we  had  agreed  upon, 
and  Bavaria  should  join  with  a  reservation  on  the 
point  to  which  it  did  not  agree,  or  to  divide  it 
into  two  parts,  a  state  federation  and  a  national 
federation,  uniting  all  in  the  first  group,  and 
placing  in  the  second  group  all  those  who  were 
favorable  to  the  whole. 

Metternich,  however,  would  have  nothing  of 
this,  but  insisted  on  conceding  everything  Ba- 
varia wished.  The  Lord  only  knows  how  it  hap- 
pens that  nothing  can  be  done  with  the  chan- 
cellor these  days;  he  declared  that  he  placed  a 
tremendous  importance  on  unity,  and  considered 
that  the  last  few  changes  did  not  matter. 

Minister,  who  has  become  much  weaker  since 
his  marriage  with  that  tremendously  ugly  wom- 
an [Princess  Wilhelmine  of  Schaumburg- 
Lippe],  was  wholly  silent,  and  so  concessions 
were  actually  made  in  an  ignominious  manner. 
I  expressed  my  divergent  views  most  clearly  and 
emphatically,  but  of  no  avail;  Rechberg  was 
called  in  and  told  that  the  change  would  be  made. 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS          221 

In  the  evening  session  with  the  princes  the  bet- 
ter spirit  still  gave  a  few  last  gasps.  Gagern, 
whom  you  know,  spoke  for  a  federal  court  and 
for  a  strong  and  wholesome  Saxony;  but  I  was 
too  greatly  angered  to  interfere,  and  only  when 
I  saw  that  at  least  one  thing  could  be  improved 
did  I  speak  in  a  tone  and  with  an  attitude  that 
made  those  present  guard  against  irritating  me 
further.  I  succeeded  in  this  point,  but  the  rest 
remained  as  it  was,  and  so  this  constitution  took 
on  a  wonderful  form!  For  I  left  Metternich 
and  the  others  in  the  lurch,  no  matter  how  often 
he  asked  my  help,  and  they  therefore  chewed  on 
a  few  phrases  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  and  noth- 
ing worse  has  ever  been  written  than  this  docu- 
ment. 

To-day  even  Wiirtemberg,  which  declared 
simply  and  solely  in  the  French  note  that  it 
would  not  appear  at  the  conferences,  came 
around,  and  is  ready  to  join  the  agreement,  but 
with  new  changes.  This  nation  has  finally  been 
told  that  no  more  changes  will  be  made,  and  that 
it  can  join  this  agreement  only  in  a  special  decla- 
ration of  its  own  and  not  by  signature. 

And  thus  has  ended  this  affair  with  which  I 
was  most  occupied;  rather  badly,  but  only  be- 
cause of  Metternich.  Prussia  and  I  can  always 
be  satisfied  with  our  work.  My  plans,  my  long 
notes  to  Metternich,  have  been  printed  and  are 


222    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

known;  during  the  conference  I  had  a  prepon- 
derating influence,  and  even  had  the  satisfaction 
of  being  able  to  raise  and  to  put  on  a  firm  foun- 
dation what  I  personally  protected,  as,  for  in- 
stance, Schwarzburg.  Every  one  knows  that  I 
am  not  only  to  blame  for  the  unsatisfactory  con- 
clusion, but  that  it  has  hurt  me  a  great  deal.  The 
minor  princes  showed  a  better  and  more  honest 
will,  but  only  these. 

The  Bernstorffs  acted  about  worst  of  all;  al- 
ways making  difficulties,  always  antagonistic, 
everywhere  forcing  their  personality  to  the  front 
and  insisting  upon  it,  and  saying  not  a  word  in 
yesterday's  session,  where  the  last  bit  of  good 
was  destroyed.  The  silence  yesterday  was  actu- 
ally strange.  It  disclosed  how  greatly  all  wished 
the  federation  to  be  general  and  to  include  Ba- 
varia. 

Swedish  Pomerania  will  now  become  Prus- 
sian; Denmark  will  get  Lauenburg,  which  we 
gave  from  Hanover,  and  a  money  indemnity. 
This  was  one  of  the  most  tiresome  negotiations 
for  me,  and  it  convinced  me  that  Bernstorff  has 
no  talents  for  business,  no  matter  how  good  he 
is  in  other  capacities.  He  is  neglectful,  dis- 
tracted, and  at  the  same  time  vehement  and  un- 
just. In  this  matter  he  made  scenes  in  my  pres- 
ence that  are  unbelievable,  and  I  recalled  that  it 
was  exactly  one  month  after  my  ruction  with 


LAYING  THE  FOUNDATIONS          223 

Boyen,  which  made  me  think  that  such  a  day  of 
quarreling  must  come  periodically. 

In  this  case  communications  had  to  pass  be- 
tween Denmark  and  Sweden,  and  which,  as  they 
live  like  cat  and  dog  together,  had  to  go  through 
my  hands.  On  one  occasion  I  forwarded  one  to 
him  [Bernstorff],  He  sent  it  back  to  me  as  if 
he  were  satisfied  with  it,  and  I  continued  the  dis- 
cussion. Later  he  recalled  that  there  was  some- 
thing in  this  letter  which  he  could  not  counte- 
nance, and  I  discovered  that  he  had  not  even  read 
it.  He  made  bitter  accusations  against  me,  and 
if  it  were  not  for  my  imperturbable  calm,  we 
might  have  shot  at  each  other  because  I  did  not 
direct  his  attention  to  what  he  considered  an  im- 
propriety. I  informed  him  dryly  that  I,  who 
was  so  occupied  that  I  hardly  had  a  minute  of 
my  own,  did  not  feel  myself  called  upon  to  work 
for  Denmark,  and  that  he  and  his  brother,  both 
ambassadors  and  wholly  unoccupied,  might  at 
least  take  pains  to  read  what  was  of  importance 
to  their  king.  In  the  meantime  I  brought  the 
whole  matter  to  a  conclusion.  He  goes  to  head- 
quarters; she  has  departed  for  Holstein.  Thus 
things  are  breaking  up  here. 


CHAPTER   VI 

A  PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF 
HAPSBURG 

FROM  THE  DIARY  OF  ARCHDUKE  JOHN  OF  AUSTRIA 

In  the  game  of  battledore  and  shuttlecock  that  was 
played  for  the  German  imperial  crown  by  Austria  and 
Prussia  in  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century 
Archduke  John  of  Austria  had  a  notable  part.  We 
find  him  the  true  Hapsburg,  jealous  of  the  preroga- 
tives of  his  house,  solicitous  for  its  welfare,  convinced 
of  its  ability  to  lead  the  heterogeneous  group  of  minor 
German  states  to  power  and  prosperity.  His  figure  is 
not  always  in  the  foreground,  but  often  he  stands  close 
at  hand,  suggesting,  advising,  as  he  is  pictured  in  this 
diary,  in  which  he  jotted  down  his  comment  on  what 
took  place  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna.  The  diary  has 
many  points  of  interest.  He  himself  appears  as  a  man 
of  great  nobility  of  thought  and  feeling.  He  attributes 
sincerity  to  many  of  the  men  with  whom  he  comes  in 
contact.  Here  we  gain  another  view  of  Metternich's 
entanglement  with  Czar  Alexander  of  Russia,  and  the 
only  sympathetic  view  given  in  this  book.  It  is  the 
incident  that  is  discussed  by  Humboldt  from  the 
Prussian  position,  and  by  Baron  von  Stein  from  the 

224 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     225 

Russian  angle.  Archduke  John's  diary  discloses  his 
devotion  to  his  emperor — his  eldest  brother — and  to 
the  house  of  Hapsburg.  His  view  of  Prussia  is  that  of 
an  ally  that  must  be  curbed  and  put  into  proper  har- 
ness ;  his  comment  on  the  logic  of  an  alliance  between 
Prussia  and  Austria  has  proved  almost  prophetic. 
John's  agitation  over  the  affair  of  his  brother  with  the 
Grand  Duchess  Catharine,  and  his  careful  advice  to 
his  brothers  to  marry  for  the  sake  of  the  house  of 
Hapsburg,  throw  an  interesting  light  on  the  business- 
like attitude  of  this  royal  family  toward  marriage. 

The  career  of  Archduke  John,  extending  over  a 
great  number  of  years, — he  lived  to  be  77, — is  of  both 
military  and  political  significance.  He  was  one  of  the 
eight  sons  of  Emperor  Leopold  II  and  a  grandson  of 
Empress  Maria  Theresa.  At  the  age  of  eighteen  he 
was  nominally  in  command  of  the  Austrian  army  that 
Moreau  decimated  in  the  ill-starred  battle  at  Hohen- 
linden  on  December  3,  1800.  Many  years  later,  in  1848, 
when  a  great  wave  of  revolution — the  revolution  of 
liberal  ideas  that  the  Congress  of  Vienna  had  tried  to 
stem — swept  over  the  intellectual  class  of  Europe, 
Archduke  John  was  called  by  the  famous  German  na- 
tional convention  at  Frankfort  to  become  the  imperial 
vicar  (Reichsverweser),  or  head  of  the  provisional 
executive  cabinet.  Henry  von  Gagern  placed  his  name 
in  nomination  for  this  office.  In  this  diary  the  arch- 
duke speaks  of  his  high  regard  for  Gagern,  and  also 
expresses  views  which  indicate  that  he  believed  in  a  Ger- 
man confederation  under  the  leadership  of  the  house  of 
Hapsburg,  governed  according  to  his  ideas  of  liberal- 


226    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

ized  paternalism.  It  is  significant  that  the  diet  at 
Frankfort  later  offered  the  imperial  German  crown  to 
the  Austrian  Emperor,  who  refused  it  on  the  advice  of 
Metternich.  That  the  archduke  could  accept  the  lead- 
ership of  a  liberal  parliament  like  that  at  Frankfort 
presupposes  his  sympathy,  to  some  extent  at  least,  with 
the  liberal  ideas  of  the  turbulent  forties,  and  this  is 
indicated  also  in  the  diary  of  the  Congress,  where  we 
find  expressed  as  tolerant  views  of  the  desire  of  the 
people  to  guide  their  own  fortunes  as  were  ever  ex- 
pressed by  the  member  of  a  house  that,  ruling  from 
medieval  times  down  to  our  very  own,  is  hardly  taken 
into  account  save  as  a  historical  incident  at  the  Con- 
ference of  Versailles. 

September  4. — The  Queen  of  Sicily  suffered 
a  stroke  of  apoplexy  during  the  night  and  died. 

September  11-12. — Reception  of  the  French 
ambassador,  Latour  du  Pin;  the  Sardinian,  S. 
Marsan,  with  whom  it  is  a  pleasure  to  converse; 
the  Prussian,  Humboldt,  whom  I  have  known  a 
long  time;  finally,  F.  M.  L.  Pino,  who  most 
candidly  explained  to  me  our  unjust  presence 
and  conduct  in  Italy. 

September  19. — Gagern,  my  old  friend,  vis- 
ited me;  I  saw  him  again  with  joy.  He  is  called 
exalted.  That  may  be,  yet  an  honest  German 
heart  and  a  firm,  loyal  spirit  is  his ;  a  man,  strong 
in  heart  and  mind,  with  whom  I  speak  as  I  would 
before  God.  As  he  tells  me  so  much,  I  have  dis- 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     227 

closed  to  him  my  efforts  and  my  goal.  [Baron 
von  Gagern  represented  the  Prince  of  Orange 
and  the  Duke  and  Prince  of  Nassau  at  the  Con- 
gress.] 

September  20. — The  Danish  ambassador, 
Bernstorff,  visited  me  with  his  brother,  a  just 
and  sensible  man.  I  reminded  him  of  what  I 
had  said  about  Xorway,  and  found  that  Denmark 
cannot  overcome  its  sorrow  at  this  loss.  It  is 
sad  to  see  that  a  country  like  this  can  become  the 
prey  of  an  ambitious  stranger,  who  really  should 
be  included  with  Murat  on  the  list  of  those  who 
ought  to  be  blotted  out.  [The  reference  is  to 
Napoleon's  general,  Bernadotte,  who  won  the 
throne  of  Sweden,  and  whose  house  rules  to-day.] 

Either  Xorway  under  its  old  kings  or  free  and 
independent ;  and  not  without  foundation  does  he 
fear  that  this  country  may  become  the  cause  for 
new  controversies. 

Oh,  if  I  could  but  transmit  to  every  one  what 
I  feel!  Then  Europe  would  have  peace  for  a 
long  time,  forget,  abandon  the  lust  for  posses- 
sion and  ambition.  Mankind  has  suffered 
cruelly;  it  is  time  to  help  it.  Mine  is  a  weak 
voice,  but,  before  God,  I  wrill  speak  wherever  I 
can  in  a  conciliatory  spirit.  It  cannot  be  that  all 
ears  are  deaf  to  right,  magnanimity,  and  con- 
science. 

September  22. — The   King  of  Wiirtemberg 


228    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

came,  and  the  King  of  Denmark;  later  the 
Grand  Duchess  Marie.  The  former  I  knew 
from  other  days;  his  exceptional  understanding, 
his  pride,  and  his  rudeness  are  known.  Order 
in  his  states,  but  severe  oppression  for  his  sub- 
jects. He  would  like  to  go  with  his  great  state 
in  the  footsteps  of  Xapoleon,  but  with  more 
shrewdness. 

I  saw  the  second  only  at  the  reception,  a  hag- 
gard man,  medium  in  stature,  entirely  candid, 
unpretentious;  he  pleased  me.  The  voice  of  his 
people  speaks  in  his  behalf;  he  is  greatly  beloved 
in  Denmark. 

September  23. — Wrede  of  Bavaria.  With 
him  I  spoke  freely  and  openly  about  Germany's 
interests,  about  my  own  affairs,  and  about  the 
agreement  between  Austria  and  Bavaria. 

Two  obstacles  are  in  the  way:  Russia's  de- 
signs on  Poland,  Prussia's  struggle  for  Saxony. 
England  is  too  lukewarm  on  the  subject  and 
seems  too  willing  to  have  this  happen,  because, 
I  fear,  Hanover  is  to  be  enlarged. 

Neither  of  the  two  plans  can  be  tolerated.  In 
addition,  there  is  Bernadotte's  arrival  here,  and 
his  struggle  for  Denmark.  This,  I  fear,  means 
new  controversies.  How  necessary  are  mutual 
renunciations  and  sacrifices  in  order  to  preserve 
peace ! 

Hereditary  prince  of  Mecklenburg-strelitz,  a 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     229 

well-intentioned  man,  who  thinks  German  and 
wishes  to  be  German. 

Stein  [Prussian  statesman,  now  in  the  suite  of 
Czar  Alexander]  interested  me  most  extraordi- 
narily. My  conversation  with  him  brought  out 
several  points:  Austria  and  Prussia  as  the  prin- 
cipal powers;  no  enlargement  of  the  others;  in- 
dependence of  Germany  from  all  foreigners  and 
its  protection  against  France  and  Russia.  As 
far  as  I  can  see  he  has  understanding  and  a  firm 
will.  I  will  cultivate  this  man  and  get  to  know 
him  better.  He  recommended  Gneisenau  and 
Grollmann  to  me  as  able  men. 

Munster,  representing  Hanover,  therefore 
England,  a  sensible,  just,  shrewd,  and  most  re- 
served man;  I  will  also  cultivate  him;  I  made 
only  general  remarks. 

Bernadotte  is  decidedly  on  the  black-list. 

Castlereagh,  a  firm,  quiet  man,  well  inten- 
tioned,  speaking  slowly  after  reflection.  It 
seems  to  me,  however,  that  he  is  not  the  proper 
person  to  carry  anything  to  its  conclusion;  it  is 
always  most  interesting  to  converse  with  him. 

Cardinal  Consalvi,  a  refined  Italian,  who  at- 
tempts to  make  his  way  with  a  few  fundamental 
principles. 

September  25. — At  ten  o'clock  we  rode  with 
the  emperor  to  the  Tabor  and  there  met  the 
Crown  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg,  with  whom  I  re- 


230    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

newed  my  friendship.    Then  Prince  William  of 
Prussia,  a  good,  frank  soul;  a  charming  face! 

Then  the  emperor  [of  Austria]  rode  to  meet 
the  Russian  Czar.  Riding  between  him  and  the 
King  of  Prussia,  he  led  the  way  to  Vienna;  I 
rode  between  the  Crown  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg 
and  Prince  William.  All  were  behind  the  em- 
peror. In  the  Prater  the  troops  paraded,  through 
the  Jagerzeile  into  the  Burg  [Hofburg].  In  the 
afternoon  I  escorted  the  Grand  Duchess  Catha- 
rine home. 

September  26. — Talleyrand  is  here;  it  appears 
that  he  is  struggling  against  Russia's  taking  pos- 
session of  Poland.  England  is  too  yielding; 
Czar  Alexander  is  firm  in  his  resolve. 

At  three  o'clock  the  Russian  Empress  arrived. 
She  was  once  a  beautiful  woman;  her  features 
are  smooth,  composed,  with  traces  of  suffering; 
very  agreeable,  full  of  graciousness. 

Greeted  the  King  of  Bavaria,  a  man  good, 
smooth;  that  is  all.  The  queen  seemed  very  re- 
served; the  crown  prince  is  a  man  who  thinks 
nobly,  but  is  too  precipitous  with  his  words. 
Prince  Karl  is  still  voung,  but  has  served  with 
distinction. 

September  29. — Xothing  but  visits  and  return 
visits,  dining,  fireworks,  illumination.     In  fact 
I  have  done  nothing  for  eight  to  ten  days.  What 
a  life! 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     231 

October  1. — I  perceive  something  that  does 
not  please  me ;  the  Grand  Duchess  Catharine  ap- 
pears to  grow  cold  toward  Karl;  why,  I  do  not 
know.  There  are  so  many  little  incidents  that 
demonstrate  this  to  me.  ,.1  advised  Karl,  with- 
out disclosing  this,  to  speak  categorically.  If  he 
does  this,  he  will  know  what  he  is  doing;  he  does 
not  deserve  to  be  led  about. 

October  2. — Beauharnais;  this  man  pleased  me 
very  well.  We  talked  about  the  campaign  in 
which  we  were  opposed  to  each  other;  of  the  va- 
rious events,  etc.  He  acted  most  honestly  of  all 
the  French.  How  must  things  appear  to  him 
now!  He,  a  few  moons  ago  the  leader  in  Italy, 
one  of  the  foremost  men  in  Europe;  now  hardly 
a  French  marshal,  begging  for  any  piece  of  land. 
Thus  goes  the  world.  This  is  known  to  every 
one  who  had  not  gone  high  enough  to  become 
dizzy. 

Stein  is  coming  one  of  these  days.  I  can  dis- 
cern so  many  influences.  If  only  England  would 
stand  firm  and  support  Austria!  Wellington's 
arrival  alone  could  turn  the  scale,  as  the  others 
are  too  weak  and  yielding.  Wrede  speaks  well. 
Minister  likewise;  unhappily  he  is  confined  to 
his  bed  these  days.. 

October  8. — In  the  afternoon  I  met  Karl.  He 
told  me  definitely  that  his  relations  with  the 
grand  duchess  [Catharine]  had  been  broken. 


Czar  Alexander  had  told  her  in  a  few  words  that 
she  should  not  leave  him;  she  was  indispensable 
to  him  [Karl  continued].  I  know  her  good 
heart;  she  was  not  able  to  protest.  It  sounds 
like  a  farewell;  she  is  most  unhappy,  etc. 

The  grand  duchess  must  have  been  dissatis- 
fied with  my  brother.  My  brother  did  not  de- 
clare himself,  and  so  tension  resulted,  and  this 
opportunity  was  used  to  put  an  end  to  the  situ- 
ation. 

I  know  the  woman,  value  her  highly,  and  think 
I  understand  how  one  should  associate  with  her; 
but  very  few  persons  understand  this.  I  am  very 
sorry  that  she  is  not  to  join  our  house.  With 
Karl  the  matter  is  closed,  Joseph  is  hindered  by 
the  law,  and  none  of  the  rest  of  us  can  take  this 
step  after  what  has  occurred;  but  I  am  certain 
I  could  have  won  her  for  myself  if  I  had  wished 
her. 

Many  petty  princes  visited  me.  These  all 
stand  by  our  emperor,  as  they  hope  to  have  him 
protect  them  from  the  arrogance  of  the  larger 
German  princes.  We  should  not  fail  to  give  at- 
tention to  this. 

In  the  evening  came  a  masked  ball  and  soirees. 
The  two  crown  princes  of  Wiirtemberg  and  Ba- 
varia got  into  an  altercation  and  wanted  to  fight 
a  duel.  Wrede  mediated  in  the  matter.  The 
Bavarian  is  still  angry  because  of  his  sister;  is 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     233 

very  irritable,  although  nature  has  denied  him 
hearing  and  fluency  of  speech.  The  one  from 
Wiirtemberg  is  witty,  gets  the  advantage,  and 
this  results  in  all  sorts  of  quarrels.  For  what 
purpose! 

October  10.— With  the  Grand  Duchess  Cath- 
arine. I  found  Joseph  there;  then  came  Con- 
stantine.  What  a  rude,  unrestrained  man!  Also 
a  windbag  in  the  highest  degree.  God  save  us 
from  such  a  prince! 

The  Crown  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg  visited  me, 
and  I  spoke  several  hours  with  him.  The  situa- 
tion is  not  yet  clear  enough  to  me  to  enable  me 
to  put  it  down  on  paper. 

October  13. — The  Crown  Prince  of  Bavaria, 
a  well-intentioned  man,  wants  to  do  good;  there 
is  nothing  false  and  crooked  about  him,  although 
he  is  somewhat  slow  of  comprehension  and  has 
many  drawbacks — deafness  and  a  stuttering 
tongue.  His  heart,  however,  deserves  a  friend 
to  advise  him  and  to  protect  him  from  all  men 
who  would  misuse  it.  I  think  highly  of  him. 
Yes,  what  an  advantage  this  good  neighborli- 
ness  would  be  if  I  were  in  Innsbruck  and  could 
also  serve  my  emperor  in  this  manner ! 

October  14. — Visited  the  Grand  Duchess 
Catharine  in  the  evening  and  found  F.  M  L. 
Roller  there.  He  is  there  daily,  enjoys  her  blind 
confidence,  and  is  valued  by  her,  God  only  knows 


why.  Roller  is  a  soldier,  cunning,  and  serves  my 
emperor;  he  is  being  used  by  the  grand  duchess 
in  order  to  find  out  everything  and  to  suggest 
to  her  what  she  should  do.  All  letters  pass 
through  his  hands;  these  are  opened,  read,  and 
delivered  by  him.  Possessing  more  cunning  than 
she,  he  leads  her  as  he  wishes  without  her  ob- 
serving it.  I  would  have  warned  her,  but  I  can- 
not do  so  explicitly ;  and  what  is  more,  how  does 
it  concern  me?  Roller  is  playing  a  wild  role, 
but  he  serves  my  master.  Thus  he  is  always  with 
Wrede;  thus  he  patronizes  my  niece  Louise;  her 
letters  also  will  pass  through  his  hands. 

Irreconcilable  conduct  of  the  grand  duchess, 
often  childish  friendliness,  then  again  much  that 
denotes  reserve,  almost  falseness;  frankness,  up- 
rightness paired  with  silence  and  reserve. 

She  dismissed  Rarl  in  the  most  friendly  man- 
ner, but  why  does  she  demand  from  him  the  same 
attention  as  before?  How  can  she  demand  that 
he  play  the  lover  -without  purpose  ?  Or  does  she 
wish  to  use  Rarl  before  the  world  as  protection 
against  the  advances  of  the  Crown  Prince  of 
Wiirtemberg?  This  I  do  not  understand. 

October  16. — In  the  evening  the  marvelous 
oratorio  "Samson"  by  Handel.  What  a  noble 
idea,  what  power,  and  yet  what  melody  in  this 
music!  How  far  behind  this  stand  our  motley 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     235 

composers!  Only  Gluck  and  Mozart  follow  in 
his  footsteps. 

October  18. — Festival  in  the  Prater.  Only 
Austria  can  prepare  such  a  festival,  only  Austria 
has  such  warriors.  1809!  I  was  elated,  and  we 
little  ones — the  Crown  Prince  of  Bavaria,  Wil- 
liam and  August  of  Prussia — shared  with  one 
another  [the  hope]  that  God  might  always  keep 
us  of  one  mind,  so  that  Germany  might  blossom. 

In  the  evening  soiree  at  Metternich's  until  two 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  emperor  was  al- 
ready tired.  I  was  standing  behind  when  the 
Russian  Czar  had  a  brush  with  Metternich.  He 
told  him  that  the  diplomats  made  decisions,  and 
then  we  soldiers  had  to  let  ourselves  be  shot  to 
cripples  for  them.  This  pained  the  other.  Then 
the  Russian  Czar  observed  that  I  had  heard  him 
and  repeated  his  remark.  I  was  silent,  because 
others  were  standing  by;  but  finally  I  said  that 
unfortunately  this  was  true,  and  that  the  lords 
often  regarded  us  only  as  mere  tools  for  their 
fantastic  ideas  and  rarely  took  blood  into  ac- 
count. It  was  unfortunate  that  I  could  not 
speak  to  this  man  alone ;  I  would  have  given  him 
other  deductions. 

October  21. — I  met  the  Crown  Prince  of  Wiir- 
temberg  and  took  a  walk  with  him.  I  then 
discovered,  what  I  had  long  suspected,  that 
Prussia  meant  to  swallow  Saxony,  and  the  [story 


236    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

of  the]  expansion  of  Bavaria  on  the  Rhine.  To 
the  question  of  whether  it  is  good  that  this  state, 
which  is  now  concentrated  and  forms  a  German 
entity,  should  be  given  a  point  of  contact  with 
France,  thereby  dividing  its  interests  at  the 
slightest  threatening  situation,  the  history  of  the 
compounded  experiences  of  other  times  declares, 
No! 

The  struggle  of  our  court  to  acquire  the  hered- 
itary crown  of  the  emperors!  [The  crown  of  the 
German  empire  of  the  Middle  Ages.]  Will  con- 
ditions be  better  when  Prussia  or  Bavaria  re- 
ceives it?  Who  will  then  protect  the  petty 
princes  against  the  preponderance  and  arrogance 
of  the  grasping  great  ones?  Whither  will  the 
German  nation  go  ?  Who  then  will  hold  in  check 
the  stirring  unrest  of  the  people?  Many  things 
were  neglected  in  Paris.  Prussia  aims  in  the  di- 
rection of  north  Germany;  England  wishes  to 
expand  as  king  in  Hanover,  and  therefore  adopts 
a  yielding  attitude  toward  Prussia  and  Russia, 
when  a  firm  stand  on  its  part  could  save  the  situ- 
ation. And  we  in  one  difficulty  after  another, 
always  occupied,  trying  to  settle  the  present  one 
with  palliatives.  How,  then,  can  great  things 
come  about? 

The  Russian  Czar,  unjustly,  cannot  tolerate 
Metternich.  For  Metternich  to  open  his  mouth 
on  any  subject  is  sufficient  to  have  it  condemned. 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     237 

Have  the  petty  princes  lost  the  right  of  fighting 
for  their  cause?  The  peoples  in  Germany  are 
in  upheaval;  the  Wiirtembergers  and  the  Ba- 
varians, following  the  example  of  Nassau,  give 
themselves  a  constitution.  What  is  to  come  out 
of  all  this? 

France  wants  tranquillity,  because  the  present 
dynasty  knows  the  danger  of  every  war;  for 
every  one  demands  this  state  as  an  ally,  and 
forces  the  organization  of  an  army.  If  its  enemy 
should  release  Napoleon,  the  army  would  join 
him,  and  disorders  would  begin  anew. 

October  22. — I  talked  with  Talleyrand.  What 
an  interesting  man !  A  worm-eaten  heart,  but  an 
excellent  head.  He  speaks  frankly  about  the 
past;  he  described  Napoleon's  undertakings  in 
Spain  to  me.  In  order  to  keep  from  going  to 
Spain,  as  the  voice  of  the  nation  demanded,  since 
it  wished  to  have  conditions  settled  there,  he  be- 
gan the  war  with  Austria.  This  ended,  he  be- 
lieved that  he  could  retire  with  a  brilliant  stroke ; 
therefore  the  marriage  with  my  niece.  Then  he 
felt  that  he  must  remain  at  home  in  order  to  make 
sure  of  the  succession,  and  when  this  was  assured, 
he  began  the  war  with  Russia.  Talleyrand  told 
me  that  Napoleon  never  had  a  plan;  the  latest 
events  had  always  pointed  the  way  for  those  to 
follow.  Thus,  at  the  close  of  the  Russian  war,  he 


238    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

would  have  moved  on  to  Constantinople ;  he  knew 
no  end. 

October  25. — Early  to  Metternich.  I  reported 
to  him  everything  that  had  come  to  my  attention 
and  informed  him  of  my  views.  On  the  twenty- 
fourth  he  had  a  tremendous  quarrel  with  the 
Russian  Czar.  Alexander  is  set  on  Poland;  he 
will  accept  no  advice  and  continues  unmoved  on 
his  way.  Metternich  told  him  that  as  an  arbiter 
of  peace  he  now  passed  over  to  the  basic  princi- 
ples of  Napoleon;  nevertheless  the  czar  argued 
for  his  interests,  and  finally  emphasized  his  de- 
termination. There  is  nothing  more  to  say.  He 
accused  Metternich  of  being  the  only  one  against 
him;  whereupon  this  one  declared  that  he  was 
prcud  of  it,  as  the  nation  criticized  him  for  yield- 
ing and  for  weakness. 

I  infer  from  everything  that  Metternich  is  the 
only  opponent.  All  who  think  justly  must  come 
to  his  aid  now,  else  things  will  go  badly  with  us 
all.  If  Metternich  is  to  blame,  it  is  because  he 
slighted  the  czar  and  allowed  him  to  feel  it.  The 
czar  will  not  forgive  this,  and  what  Metternich 
says  is  sufficient  to  void  it.  I  would  never  again 
treat  directly  with  him  [the  czar].  In  the  mean- 
time I  behold  pusillanimity  among  the  good  peo- 
ple and  courage  among  the  bad.  The  Congress 
in  Vienna  was  a  mistake.  We  have  learned  to 
know  ourselves  and  our  innermost  thoughts,  and 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     239 

thereby  confidence  sinks  low ;  whereas  our  weak- 
nesses are  only  too  glaring. 

Only  firm  cohesion  can  save  us  here,  can  stop 
Russia,  and  then  unite  us  with  Prussia ;  finally  to 
get  on  good  terms  with  Bavaria  without  forget- 
ting what  it  has  always  been  to  Austria  and  Ger- 
many, and  without  forgetting  the  corruption  that 
has  existed  in  the  official  class  from  Montgelas 
to  the  latest  [incumbent].  This  is  Gallicism. 

Neither  Prussia  nor  Bavaria  will  receive  the 
fortifications  for  Germany's  boundaries.  May- 
ence,  city  of  the  empire,  commercial  city,  uni- 
versity, and  fort,  will  have  a  mixed  garrison,  so 
that  the  Austrians  will  be  stronger  than  the 
others.  Yet  not  a  single  one  of  them  shall  have 
the  only  key  to  Germany  on  this  side. 

I  am  not  at  all  pleased  with  the  division  of 
territory.  Austria  has  received  a  great  deal  in 
Italy,  to  its  misfortune.  I  would  never  have 
placed  the  boundaries  beyond  the  Po  and  Chiesa. 
I  would  have  given  Lombardy  to  the  King  of 
Sardinia  as  King  of  the  Lombards,  because  it 
would  be  useful  to  have  a  powerful  prince  there, 
as  in  the  north  of  Holland.  Austria  under  my 
plan  would  have  received  Italy  as  far  as  the  Po 
and  Chiesa;  Tyrol,  Vorarlberg,  the  Inn,  Passau, 
the  old  districts  of  eastern  Galicia,  the  Salines 
and  Cracow,  then  the  Dnieper  up  to  the  sea  and 
the  Danube,  with  Belgrade.  In  this  manner 


240    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Russia  would  have  been  separated  from  Turkey. 
We  would  have  the  shipping  on  the  Danube  and 
its  mouth;  then  Illyria,  Dalmatia,  Albania,  and 
the  seven  isles.  More  than  that  is  superfluous 
and  injurious.  Prussia  goes  to  the  Elbe,  receiv- 
ing Saxony;  the  Pfalz  for  Bavaria.  The  other 
states  to  remain  as  they  are.  All  of  the  princes 
and  some  of  the  knights  [ Hitter schaft]  to  receive 
cities  of  the  empire. 

Germany!  Germany!  When  will  it  become 
what  it  should  be !  Austria  must  not  be  deprived 
of  the  kaiserdom ;  otherwise  this  will  go  to  Prus- 
sia or  to  Bavaria,  which  is  continually  striving 
toward  this  end. 

The  archduke  years  later  wrote  after  the  word  Prus- 
sia, "I  was  right." 

I  observe  what  Russia's  ruler  is  like.  He  is 
full  of  philanthropic  ideas,  yet  shrewd;  a  pleas- 
ing exterior,  smooth  words,  but  I  see  passion. 
I  see  no  warm  heart  for  the  general  good;  I  do 
not  trust  him.  I  shall  observe  all  of  these  men; 
it  is  great  schooling  for  me. 

October  27. — In  two  talks  with  the  Grand 
Duchess  Catharine  I  have  learned  the  whole 
story.  The  matter  is  closed;  my  honorable  plan 
for  Karl  is  shattered.  As  things  are,  I  can  see 
that  they  have  been  badly  bungled.  It  is  possi- 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG 

ble  that  these  two  characters  were  not  fitted  for 
each  other.  She  demands  uprightness,  deep 
feelings,  a  warm  heart,  complete  sympathy  and 
sharing  of  feelings;  this  she  did  not  find.  It  is 
too  bad. 

November  2. — Disturbances  in  Paris  and 
France  since  the  debates  on  the  emigrants  [the 
nobles  who  fled  from  Paris  during  the  Revolu- 
tion] ;  this  may  be  of  advantage  to  us  if  its  value 
is  properly  recognized,  as  it  reunites  all.  It  is 
time  that  it  ended,  for  the  people  are  tired  of  it. 

November  22. — The  King  of  Denmark  visited 
Neustadt  [Wiener  Neustadt].  He  observed 
everything  carefully  and  investigated  it;  one  of 
his  aides  took  notes.  This  king  is  the  only  one 
who  travels  with  profit. 

I  learned  that  because  of  an  affection  of  the 
foot  the  Czar  of  Russia  has  become  more  tracta- 
ble. He  called  Metternich  to  him,  and  there  is 
even  hope  regarding  Saxony. 

I  expressed  the  opinion,  how  little  respect 
there  is  for  the  czar,  and  how  little  confidence  one 
placed  in  the  King  of  Prussia  (for  we  saw  him 
in  the  same  way  and  in  the  retinue  of  the  for- 
mer). Our  master  knows  them  well. 

November    29. — Gagern    visited    me    to-day. 

How  are  things  progressing  at  the  Congress? 

The  Lord  have  mercy !    Russia  as  well  as  Prussia 

—king  and  Humboldt — insist  on  the  system  of 


242     A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

eating  up  [the  conquered  lands] ;  these  men  are 
not  to  be  depended  upon.  We  Austrians  waver 
and  talk;  both  yes  and  no  at  the  same  time  in- 
stead of  a  firm,  honorable  language.  England 
speaks,  but  is  not  supported.  I  hear  that  Met- 
ternich  sinks  daily  in  estimation,  and  the  effect 
of  his  procedure  is  a  total  contempt  for  him.  I 
do  not  damn  him,  and  merely  say  that  he  must 
be  supported  until  things  are  settled;  then  re- 
sults will  show  where  the  truth  lies. 

It  is  a  miserable  commerce,  this  trading  with 
lands  and  human  beings.  We  cursed  Napoleon 
and  his  system,  and  justly;  he  degraded  man- 
kind, and  the  very  princes  who  fought  against 
it  are  walking  in  his  footsteps.  Apparently  we 
fought  only  against  his  person  and  not  against 
his  system.  Russia  pushes  toward  the  west. 
Shall  that  be? 

Prussia  does  not  oppose  it;  it  allows  itself  to 
be  satisfied  with  Saxony  and  to  return  to  the  old, 
selfish  politics,  not  yet  taught  by  the  severe  les- 
sons it  has  survived;  capable  of  keeping  its 
booty,  if  need  be,  by  making  common  cause  with 
Russia  against  the  others  and  against  Austria, 
which  always  has  honorably  proposed  a  division, 
and  which  had  only  to  say  "Yes"  to  enable  it  to 
join  Napoleon  and  Russia  for  the  purpose  of 
wiping  out  Prussia.  It  is  against  Austria,  which 
took  up  arms  only  to  bring  about  the  common 


salvation,  and  which  restored  the  doubtful  con- 
ditions of  the  past;  which  sought  nothing,  estab- 
lished nothing,  and  trusted  that  the  others  would 
deal,  think,  and  act  like  Emperor  Francis.  It 
should  have  remembered  that  one  should  never 
trust  any  one,  but  should  attempt  to  hinder 
others  from  doing  what  is  not  just  when  it  can 
be  done.  The  moment  for  this  was  in  Jitchin; 
later  it  was  no  longer  possible. 

Prussia,  blinded,  does  not  look  into  the  future, 
and  will  regret  this  bitterly.  Russia  will  give  it 
no  thanks.  Prussia  wants  to  possess  Germany 
to  the  Rhine  and  the  Main;  it  is  the  state  which 
separates  the  nation.  The  idea  of  possessing 
Germany  has  not  been  rooted  out.  It  strives  to 
that  end.  May  Austria,  England,  and  France 
hold  fast!  All  the  German  princes  and  Holland 
join  them  and  show  their  teeth,  and  no  one  will 
dare  start  an  unpopular  war  in  view  of  the  ex- 
hausted condition  of  these  countries.  In  Russia 
it  might  cost  the  czar  his  life;  in  Prussia  the  no- 
bility could  rise  and  ask,  "Why?"  and  curtail  the 
king's  absolute  power.  Now  or  never!  The 
peace  of  our  posterity  for  the  next  half -century 
is  at  stake;  therefore  firmness  if  we  wish  to  re- 
main victors! 

December  5. — Visited  my  niece  Marie  Louise 
[consort  of  Napoleon,  Empress  of  the  French] 


244    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

in  Schonbrunn.  She  also  does  not  know  what  is 
going  to  happen  to  her. 

Prussia  strives  to  possess  all  of  northern  Ger- 
many; that  cannot  be  tolerated.  This  is  the  sit- 
uation after  three  months,  and  only  firmness 
can  make  an  end  of  it. 

In  the  evening  Joseph  wrote  me  a  note  in 
which  he  asked  for  statistical  data.  This  is  his 
letter : 

Amice : 

Honor  and  the  safety  of  our  skin  is  at  stake,  and  as 
I  have  encounters  and  skirmishes  virtually  every  day, 
I  need,  in  order  to  maintain  my  cause  with  honor,  sta- 
tistical data,  which  you  will  be  able  to  procure  without 
much  effort  through  your  acquaintances.  You  should 
know  that  I  am  at  the  head  of  a  distinctive  party; 
therefore  not  allied  either  with  Metternich  or  with  one 
of  the  two  emperors,  and  that  I  operate  on  my  own  be- 
half with  both  of  them.  For  this  purpose  I  should  like  to 
know:  1.  The  size  of  the  population,  territorial  area, 
and  income  of  the  Kingdom  of  Saxony.  2.  If  you  can 
find  it  out,  how  much  of  this  would  be  cut  off  if  the 
boundary-line  of  Prussia  were  carried  from  that  of 
Magdeburg  beyond  Wittenberg,  including  this  city, 
and  to  the  point  of  Lower  Lusatia?  3.  How  much 
population,  territory,  and  income  is  contained  in  Miin- 
ster,  Paderborn  and  the  lands  between  the  Rhine,  Mo- 
selle, and  Meuse?  Send  me  these  facts  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible if  you  can.  I  have  a  little  more  hope  for  Saxony 
to-night.  JOSEPH 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     245 

December  7. — I  caused  the  material  [for 
Joseph's  questions]  to  be  collected  for  me  early 
to-day  in  the  war  archives,  the  engineer's  archives, 
and  in  the  imperial  private  library.  I  collected 
as  much  as  I  could ;  Karl's  library  gave  me  some- 
thing. This  placed  me  in  a  position  to  deliver 
quickly  what  he  asked.  At  7:30  in  the  evening 
I  was  ready.  The  reason  is  this:  Prussia  is  not 
to  have  Saxony,  but  an  equivalent  for  it. 

I  gave  him  area,  population,  and  income.  Sax- 
ony is  to  remain  as  it  is;  only  a  number  of  dis- 
tricts to  the  north  between  the  Elbe  and  Lusatia 
will  go  to  Prussia.  Prussia  receives  Miinster, 
Paderborn,  and  the  land  between  the  Rhine, 
Meuse,  and  Moselle. 

December  8. — I  talked  with  a  deputy  from 
the  Catholic  Germans.  He  mourns  the  breaking 
up  of  the  religious  affairs  of  12,000,000  German 
co-believers;  they  are  working  energetically  to 
get  a  primate  from  our  house. 

December  9. — Wiirtemberg  has  signed  an 
agreement  with  Prussia  regarding  Saxony.  It 
is  shameful  how  every  one  goes  his  own  way;  no 
self-denial,  only  egotism,  selfishness,  ambition, 
hate.  For  shame!  And  the  Crown  Prince  of 
Wiirtemberg,  with  all  his  talents  and  gifts,  plays 
a  foul  role;  ambition  is  destroying  him.  He 
worked  at  this,  for  he  passes  everything  on  to 
his  father.  I  gave  him  my  opinion  on  it ;  he  was 


246    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

perplexed.  I  hate  falsity,  duplicity.  He  is  said 
to  have  agreed  to  the  plan,  it  is  said,  because 
offers  were  made  that  he  become  the  commander 
of  the  consolidated  German  Army,  which  opens 
up  many  advantages.  I  will  have  to  see  this 
verified  first.  If  it  is  true,  then  I  am  done  with 
him  and  all  his  talents. 

The  Grand  Duke  of  Baden,  too  lazy  to  gov- 
ern, wanted  to  sell  his  country.  A  horrible  word. 
Such  princes  are  a  scourge  and  an  abomination; 
they  are  procurers.  Is  it,  then,  a  wonder  that 
the  peoples  begin  to  think  of  getting  rid  of  them  ? 

A  rage  that  I  cannot  describe  seizes  me.  If 
I  had  a  hundred  thousand  men,  I  would  step  up 
to  my  emperor  and  say :  "Master,  you  are  the  only 
one  who  has  a  heart.  That  is  why  Austria  calls 
you  father,  that  is  why  we  all  give  you  filial  de- 
votion, and  gladly  go  forth  to  die  for  you.  I 
have  a  hundred  thousand  men,  and  will  discipline 
these  gentlemen;  and  if  God  wills  it,  in  three 
months  they  will  agree.  These  princes  are  not 
worth  being  spoken  to  kindly;  only  Bavaria  and 
the  little  ones  are  good. 

December  11. — Pages  from  the  history  of  the 
Congress.  It  is  said  that  the  old  King  of  Wiir- 
temberg  went  to  our  emperor,  protesting  vehe- 
mently against  the  report  that  he  had  signed  an 
agreement  with  Prussia.  Now  who  has  muddled 
affairs  once  more  ?  I  fear  greatly  that  the  crown 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     247 

prince  was  inclined  to  do  something,  for  it  seems 
that  he  is  also  playing  the  game. 

Wrede,  chagrined  at  many  things,  is  said  to  be 
ready  to  have  the  Congress  adjourn  without  fin- 
ishing its  work.  That  would  be  the  worst  thing 
that  could  be  done,  irresponsible,  and  surely 
would  lead  to  reaction  from  the  people. 

At  last  it  seems  as  if  a  great  storm  is  about  to 
break  over  Metternich;  his  frivolity,  his  lies,  his 
partiality — these  are  the  principal  accusations. 

December  20. — The  Congress  will  not  end  so 
soon;  everything  is  undecided,  nothing  definite 
has  yet  been  achieved.  The  principal  difficulty 
is  Saxony.  The  progress  of  the  princes  continues 
odd.  Prussia  has  been  offered  Westphalia  and 
the  land  across  the  Rhine  as  indemnity.  The 
house  of  Orange  makes  demands  on  the  latter; 
for  by  treaty,  it  has  been  promised  an  enlarge- 
ment of  its  territory  in  exactly  that  quarter. 

The  Crown  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg  is  playing 
a  strange  part.  Blinded  by  the  promises  of  Prus- 
sia, he  takes  sides  with  that  country  even  in  op- 
position to  his  father. 

He  tried  to  get  Gagern  to  give  Prussia  the  im- 
perial dignity,  and  when  the  latter  had  listened 
long  enough  and  thoroughly  disagreed  with  him, 
he  turned  about  and  said  that  this  was  only  a 
manoeuver  to  force  Austria  to  take  the  honor. 

While  still  in  London  he  spoke  malevolently. 


248    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Austria,  he  said,  was  not  a  German  state.  It 
should  not  be  allowed  to  mix  in  these  affairs,  and 
should  be  ejected  in  case  it  did. 

The  two  emperors  talked  together  for  certain 
about  Poland,  and  I  hope  that  this  question  will 
eventually  be  disposed  of. 

In  the  meantime  Austria  presented  a  precise 
note  for  the  preservation  of  Saxony.  The 
princes  are  speaking  in  behalf  of  this  state,  and 
also  wish  to  send  a  note ;  this,  it  was  said,  was  to 
be  given  by  the  otherwise  excellent  Duke  of 
Vienna.  The  princes  were  threatened  if  they 
did  not  keep  quiet.  This  resulted  in  the  Duke  of 
Coburg  having  a  violent  interview  with  the  Czar 
of  Russia  in  order  to  defend  the  justice  of  his 
cause. 

This  much  is  certain,  that  all  are  of  one  voice 
for  Saxony.  The  Crown  Prince  of  Wiirtem- 
berg  is  alone  against  it,  and  seems  to  have  com- 
promised himself  by  going  too  far.  It  is  likely 
that  the  report  affecting  Wiirtemberg  originated 
from  this.  He  is  determined  to  play  a  part,  and 
plays  it  badly ;  and  thus  it  happens  that  one  after 
another  the  princes  desert  him  and  that  finally 
he  will  stand  entirely  alone,  avoided  by  all  and 
entrusted  with  nothing. 

In  the  evening  at  court.  A  tiresome  enter- 
tainment of  tableaux.  The  conversations  be- 
tween the  Crown  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg  and 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     249 

me  grow  colder  daily;  our  views  are  very  dis- 
similar. Since  the  day  when  I  told  him  frankly 
and  openly  what  I  thought  with  regard  to  Sax- 
ony we  no  longer  talk  politics.  In  place  of  that 
he  asks  peculiar  questions,  such  as  whether  I  en- 
tered the  military  from  duty  or  voluntarily.  I 
assured  him  voluntarily ;  whereupon  he  remarked 
that  making  war  eventually  becomes  a  passion. 
I  did  not  reply  to  that ;  it  is  horrible. 

I  observed  after  dinner  how  greatly  he  was 
at  outs  with  Wrede.  Wrede  taunts  him  and 
frowns  angrily. 

Genoa  is  to  be  united  with  Piedmont,  although 
I  was  told  that  the  deputies  asked  independence 
and  an  archduke.  This  was  related  to  my  niece 
Marie  Louise  by  the  Countess  Bagnoli.  This 
would  please  me,  because  the  emperor  would 
then  see  that  I  am  somebody  and  that  I  can 
achieve  something. 

December  21. — I  went  to  Prince  Metternich 
to  tell  him  everything  I  knew.  I  found  him  most 
obliging;  unfortunately,  there  were  women  in 
the  anteroom  who  were  practising  the  romanza. 
He  spoke  very  frankly  with  me  on  all  matters; 
one  word  suggested  another.  He  let  me  read  the 
exchange  of  notes  between  Austria  and  Prussia. 
Of  this  conversation  I  transcribe  the  following: 

Metternich  brought  up  two  questions,  the  one 
affecting  Poland  the  other  Saxony.  He  consid- 


250    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

ered  the  first  as  more  important,  and  believed 
that  our  efforts  should  be  directed  toward  having 
our  point  of  view  adopted.  In  order  to  achieve 
this,  it  appears,  we  joined  Prussia  and  even  built 
hopes  on  Saxony.  I  do  not  believe  that  there 
was  a  definite  promise.  Prussia  would  not  bite, 
or  at  least  would  take  no  active  part,  but  merely 
pushed  its  own  interests.  The  situation  became 
long  drawn  out.  England  showed  weakness; 
Austria  did  not  wish  to  stand  alone.  After  a 
long  discussion  pro  and  con,  and  when  a  feeling 
on  behalf  of  Saxony  had  developed,  it  seemed 
to  me  that  the  case  of  Poland  was  dropped,  and 
it  was  decided  that  Saxony  was  more  important 
and  that  our  contention  in  that  quarter  had  to 
be  sustained.  As  Prussia  continued  firmly  to 
demand  possession  of  Saxony,  it  was  thought 
necessary  to  win  Russia  by  yielding  in  Poland. 
The  second  question  was  that  of  the  preserva- 
tion of  Saxony,  which  had  to  be  put  through  if 
that  of  Poland  could  not  be  settled  in  our  favor. 
Czar  Alexander,  who  gave  Saxony  to  Prussia, 
should  have  been  the  one  to  force  Prussia  to  re- 
linquish it;  but  this  he  refused  to  do.  As  a  mat- 
ter of  fact,  it  was  hard  to  ask  it.  He  sees  the 
injustice  toward  Saxony,  but  it  is  my  belief  that 
he  will  not  desert  Prussia.  The  present  state  of 
the  Polish  situation  limiting  Austria  to  eastern 
Galicia,  inclusive  of  Cracow,  as  in  1808,  and 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     251 

leaving  western  Galicia  to  Russia,  was  agreed 
upon  with  Alexander.  It  was  determined  that 
Prussia  should  have  Poland  up  to  the  Warthe 
as  well  as  Xidda  and  Thorn.  In  the  note  in  which 
Austria  communicated  this  to  Prussia  the  state- 
ment was  made  that  we  would  be  pleased  to  see 
additional  territory  given  Prussia  by  Russia. 

I  am  not  yet  certain,  however,  that  Austria 
will  get  Cracow ;  and  if  it  does  not,  Russia  should 
agree  not  to  make  a  fort  of  it.  This  has  been 
proposed. 

In  the  note  from  Hardenberg,  which  was  an 
answer  to  that  in  which  we  asked  Prussia  to  help 
us  induce  Russia  to  give  up  its  designs  on  Po- 
land, we  can  read  clearly  the  actual  condition 
of  Prussia,  without  means,  without  subsidies  for 
making  war,  in  a  state  of  unrest,  and  yet  pro- 
posing for  the  future  to  seize  the  first  moment 
that  is  unfavorable  for  Russia  and  to  utilize  it 
[truly  in  the  old  Prussian  manner!].  The  per- 
sonal affection  of  the  king  [of  Prussia]  for  the 
czar  will  never  permit  anything  to  happen  which 
might  be  obnoxious  to  the  latter.  In  everything 
we  see  the  desire  to  injure,  to  risk  nothing,  a 
boundless  self-interest,  and  lust  for  Saxony. 

When  the  status  of  1805  was  adopted,  Prussia 
renounced  all  active  participation  in  the  Polish 
question,  and  England  was  still  lukewarm; 
therefore  the  Polish  affair  was  dropped,  and  all 


attention  was  centered  on  Saxony.  In  the  most 
friendly  spirit  Austria  offered  Prussia  complete 
reparation  and  even  the  addition  of  from  300,- 

000  to  400,000  souls,  including  a  part  of  lower 
Lusatia,  Hildesheim,  Miinster,  Paderborn,  etc., 
and  finally  the  territory  between  the  Meuse,  the 
Moselle,  and  the  Rhine.     Prussia  did  not  want 
it.    Because  of  this  and  also  because  of  the  fact 
that  Austria  had  settled  its  Polish  negotiations 
with  Russia,  Prussia  placed  two  Austrian  notes 
and  a  private  letter  of  Prince  Metternich  before 
the  Russian  Czar.    These  disclosed  that  Metter- 
nich had  tried  to  influence  Russia  on  the  Polish 
question  through  Prussia  and  had  given  the  lat- 
ter nation  hope  of  getting  Saxony;  and  also  that 
through  Russia  he  had  hoped  to  move  Prussia 
in  the  Saxon  affair,  and  therefore  had  yielded  in 
Poland.    Angered,  Alexander  went  to  our  em- 
peror, who,  entirely  put  out,  called  Metternich 
to  account,  and  ordered  him  to  disclose  all  his 
transactions  to  the  Russian  Czar. 

These  transactions  he  showed  me,  and  in  these 

1  saw  our  great  mistake;  but  fortunately  also 
recognized  the  tricky,   false  action  of  Prussia. 
This  alone  puts  weapons  into  our  hands  with 
which  to  pay  the  account. 

After  I  had  told  Metternich  everything  that 
was  being  said  about  him,  I  told  him  that  the 
mask  must  be  torn  from  Prussia.  As  a  result 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     253 

Russia  might  desert  Prussia  in  anger,  and  we 
could  then  settle  the  Saxon  question  with  the  lat- 
ter alone.  Metternich  replied  that  he  could  not 
tell  everything  he  knew  because  it  would  disclose 
to  Russia  much  of  its  own  weakness  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Poland,  and  it  was  wise  not  to  take  this 
step. 

I  disagreed  with  that.  I  believed  that  it  would 
be  better  to  tell  everything  in  order  to  bring  the 
matter  clearly  into  the  light. 

I  abhor  the  lack  of  frankness;  it  is  miserable 
politics  which  swerves  from  this  ideal.  How  mis- 
taken is  he  who  thinks  that  the  superiority  of 
politics  lies  in  its  great  finesse,  and  in  deceit,  etc. ! 
I  do  not  share  this  view ;  I  believe  its  superiority 
is  rather  in  knowing  the  true  situation,  how  to 
gage  results  well,  and  then  to  make  the  best 
decisions  and  adopt  the  best  measures  for  carry- 
ing them  into  effect.  He  who  is  best  fitted  in 
these  respects  has  the  superiority,  and  honesty 
is  compatible  with  such  conduct. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  situation  developed 
as  it  did,  I  pleaded  for  firmness  in  the  Saxon  af- 
fair, because  honor,  advantage,  in  fact  every- 
thing, was  involved.  It  was  absolutely  necessary 
not  to  yield ;  this,  I  insisted,  was  feasible,  because 
Prussia  can  do  nothing  without  money,  and  the 
money,  according  to  the  views  now  expressed  by 
England,  is  all  at  the  disposal  of  Austria.  Rus- 


254    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

sia  would  become  greatly  occupied  with  Poland; 
internally  it  was  as  disturbed  as  any  other  state, 
and  England  would  be  able  to  make  the  war  ex- 
ceedingly unpopular  by  blockading  the  harbors 
and  threatening  the  capital.  France,  Holland, 
England,  Germany,  and  the  voices  of  the  people 
supported  Austria.  Under  such  conditions 
everything  could  be  risked.  Prussia's  demand 
for  Mayence,  Luxemburg,  the  forts  of  the  em- 
pire, and  a  sort  of  supremacy  in  northern  Ger- 
many could  never  be  countenanced.  The  true 
politics  demanded  by  the  interests  of  Germany 
lay  in  Prussia  being  strong  enough  to  serve  Ger- 
many, but  not  to  oppress  it.  Prussia  must  see 
that  it  cannot  isolate  itself  from  German  affairs, 
and  for  this  reason  we  should  hinder  every  con- 
centration of  its  powers,  and  by  extending  it  to 
the  Rhine,  force  it  to  make  common  cause  with 
Germany  in  every  war,  which  it  does  not  wish 
to  do.  I  found  Metternich  agreeing  with  me,  but 
I  fear  yielding  measures  may  be  taken.  It  would 
be  a  dastardly  act  if  Austria  should  desert  Sax- 
ony and  merely  protest. 

For  what  purpose  were  600,000  men  mobilized 
if  we  had  accomplished  nothing  by  the  time  the 
Congress  adjourned?  That  would  mean  the  loss 
of  the  prestige  our  country  possesses.  Germany 
would  be  lost  irrevocablv,  and  what  destructive 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG    255 

movements  and  popular  upheavals  might  then 
come  about! 

A  federation  is  being  discussed  in  Italy.  No 
matter  how  much  I  favor  this  plan,  if  such  an 
organization  can  be  controlled,  I  still  disapprove 
the  idea  of  breaking  up  Alexandria.  It  is  ad- 
vantageous for  Austria  to  get  the  district  of 
Domo  d'Ossola,  and  thereby  the  road  across  the 
Simplon.  I  directed  Metternich's  attention  to 
the  need  of  our  possessing  Ferrara,  Piacenza, 
and  the  Po,  as  well  as  Comacchio  and  Mirola. 
He  agreed  to  this  heartily,  and  said  that  even  if 
we  did  not  get  them  we  should  have  garrisons  in 
these  places. 

Here  again  I  came  across  a  choice  story  about 
the  Crown  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg.  He  had 
accosted  Metternich  and  accused  him  of  being 
the  only  opponent  to  the  plan  of  taking  Saxony, 
the  more  so  because  the  archdukes  were  agreed. 
A  fine  lie  in  view  of  what  I  had  sharply  told  him 
a  few  days  before. 

I  wish  that  Metternich  could  pull  himself  out 
of  this  with  honor ;  a  great  deal  of  pressure  is  be- 
ing brought  upon  him.  He  must  remain  firm, 
that  is  the  best  and  only  thing  to  do. 

December  22. — I  discovered  several  new  facts 
in  this  matter  \vhich  confirmed  my  views.    Met 
ternich  yielded  to  Hardenberg  in  the  Saxon  mat- 
ter so  long  as  he  hoped  to  gain  his  point  regard- 


256    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

ing  Poland;  but  when  the  Polish  situation  gave 
no  hope,  he  recalled  his  remarks.  Hardenberg 
had  received  the  statistical  tables  that  I  prepared 
for  Joseph,  and  in  an  angry  mood  took  them  to 
Alexander.  Metternich  was  exceedingly  embar- 
rassed. Happily,  Hardenberg's  haste  had  proved 
his  undoing,  and  we  possessed  facts  enough  to 
destroy  him.  This,  however,  we  did  not  wish 
to  do,  in  order  not  to  enlighten  the  Russian  Czar 
about  his  own  affairs.  I  do  not  think  this  was 
the  right  course.  We  have  presented  a  note  re- 
garding Saxony. 

December  30,  31. — Nothing  extraordinary; 
the  year  1814  ends  well  for  me.  God  grant  that 
I  may  pass  1815  in  activities  for  my  czar,  my 
fatherland,  my  dear  mountains,  and  my  little 
circle  of  friends!  It  is  my  aim  to  be  useful  to 
my  fellow  human  beings,  but  far  from  the  noisy 
distractions  of  the  world,  which  has  robbed  us 
of  so  much  time  that  might  have  been  put  to  bet- 
ter and  more  pleasing  use.  I  close  1814  with 
growing  faith,  with  implicit  confidence  in  God's 
wise  guidance;  strengthened  by  this  I  proceed 
courageously  in  my  life  work.  This  confidence 
will  not  let  me  fail;  it  will  bring  me  the  fulfil- 
ment of  my  wishes  if  I  am  worthy  of  this. 

January  1, 1815. — The  new  year  is  greeted  with 
the  announcement  of  the  peace  between  America 
and  England,  and  thus  the  strength  of  the  latter 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG    257 

will  no  longer  be  divided,  and  this  nation  can  de- 
vote its  whole  care  to  giving  the  decisive  turn  to 
the  negotiations  that  are  to  establish  tranquillity 
on  the  Continent. 

God  save  us  from  everything  which  may  be 
interpreted  as  consenting  to  the  plans  of  the 
covetous!  Rather  draw  the  sword  again.  It 
would  be  horrible,  a  curse  on  those  who  brought 
it  about ;  the  terrible  Nemesis  would  follow  them, 
and  they  would  regret  it  bitterly.  The  people, 
who  did  everything  for  the  good  cause,  will  not 
let  themselves  be  played  with. 

January  22. — Regarding  the  constitution  in 
Wiirtemberg. 

The  declaration  of  the  king  is  made  public  in 
a  newspaper;  just  what  the  constitution  grants 
is  not  stated.  I  know  the  king  well  enough  to 
believe  that  assuredly  he  will  give  his  country  a 
constitution,  that  this  will  be  extremely  compre- 
hensive and  bear  the  mark  of  the  greatest  liber- 
alism; but  I  think  that  he  will  make  exceptions 
for  the  duration  of  his  life  and  allow  no  restric- 
tions in  certain  directions.  Yes,  I  shall  even 
be  glad  if  he  ties  the  hands  of  his  successor. 
Whether  the  first  is  wise,  and  whether  it  is  pos- 
sible to  do  things  half-way,  remains  to  be  seen. 
I  think  he  has  misjudged  the  situation,  and  once 
having  made  a  decision,  will  go  farther — yes,  will 
have  to  go  farther — without  being  able  to  ob- 


258    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

ject.  Baden  is  said  to  have  followed  this  ex- 
ample, and  Bavaria  is  said  to  be  engaged  at  this 
task. 

This  has  aroused  interest  here.  Our  empress 
regards  these  acts  only  as  machinations  of  the 
Tugendbund;  she  thinks  that  Rome  is  now  the 
seat  of  this  organization  and  that  Cardinal  Con- 
salvi,  a  delegate ;  Werner,  the  preacher,  a  propa- 
gandist ;  the  Jesuits,  etc.,  all  have  an  understand- 
ing. She  wishes  to  save  Austria  from  the  influ- 
ence of  these  persons,  and  is  put  out  by  the  forth- 
coming constitutions,  which  she  regards  as  the 
work  of  the  Tugendbund.  She  does  not  under- 
stand that  the  situation  is  entirely  natural  and 
that  no  Tugendbund  is  needed  for  this  purpose. 

Napoleon  introduced  the  highest  form  of  des- 
potism ;  under  him  the  other  states  became  tools, 
the  lands  commodities.  Nothing  was  honored, 
nothing  preserved;  everywhere  there  was  intol- 
erable oppression.  Greed  introduced  the  sys- 
tem of  draining  the  land  of  everything  method- 
ically. The  poverty  which  resulted  made  the 
people  take  heart.  The  princes  had  to  turn  to 
the  masses  for  sanctuary  as  the  last  and  only 
means  left.  The  nation  was  armed,  and  the 
spirit  of  revolutions  spoke,  but  for  a  just  cause; 
all  that  was  good,  wise,  and  powerful  came  to 
the  surface.  There  was  general  cooperation;  the 
cause  directed  itself.  The  great  body  of  princes 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG    259 

was  too  weak  to  lead  it;  they  let  the  current  go 
where  it  willed,  too  short-sighted  to  see  the  fu- 
ture and  to  prepare  in  the  present  ways  for  com- 
bating the  evils  that  were  bound  to  come  with 
the  good  already  achieved. 

The  great  evil  was  banished,  but  the  extreme 
factors  took  their  usual  course,  and  the  despotic 
followed  the  liberal  spirit.  These  peoples  had 
now  learned  to  know  their  power.  They  felt 
themselves  saved,  they  realized  how  they  had 
come  to  these  calamities ;  they  put  their  own  esti- 
mate on  the  nothingness  of  many  rulers,  on  the 
power  of  their  new  masters.  The  nations  no 
longer  wished  to  place  their  lives  and  their  pos- 
sessions at  the  caprice  of  a  few  ministers  who  had 
greatly  misused  them.  This  is  the  present  situa- 
tion, and  only  the  Congress,  which  keeps  every- 
thing waiting,  is  holding  back;  but  there  is  un- 
rest everywhere,  and  the  princes  are  no  longer 
able  to  dam  the  stream  that  they  allowed  to 
overflow  in  order  to  save  themselves. 

Every  effort  they  make  will  only  turn  out  un- 
favorably for  them.  Nassau  started  this  in  Ger- 
many; in  Holland  and  in  France  there  are  such 
constitutions;  England  thanks  its  constitution 
for  its  greatness  and  its  glory;  Hesse,  Hanover. 
Wiirtemberg,  and  Baden  had  to  follow  suit,  be- 
cause the  severity  of  one  and  the  sluggishness 
of  another  caused  unrest.  Bavaria  follows, 


260    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

whether  the  king  wills  it  or  no;  Prussia  surely 
will  have  to  do  the  same,  and  perhaps  most  com- 
prehensively;  the  other  princes  are  carried  with 
the  tide.  This  is  the  situation. 

What  does  Austria  intend  to  do  now;  what 
can  it  do?  I  find  that  the  emperor  is  in  the  most 
fortunate  situation.  He  needs  change  nothing 
in  all  the  old  practices;  he  should  merely  hasten 
to  put  the  old,  restored  provinces  back  on  their 
former  footing;  Tyrol  as  in  1805,  Carnia  and 
the  littoral  as  in  1809,  Milan  as  it  was  under 
Maria  Theresa,  and  Venice  like  it.  Then  there 
will  be  no  uprising;  the  emperor  remains  unre- 
stricted, the  people  satisfied. 

When  I  visited  the  empress  my  emperor  was 
present,  and  we  spoke  of  this.  I  found  his  judg- 
ment accurate,  and  told  him  exactly  what  I 
thought.  Yet  I  will  have  to  speak  with  him  pri- 
vately; it  is  my  duty.  Truth,  when  quietly 
brought  to  his  attention,  always  brings  results 
with  him. 

January  23,  25. — Joseph  and  Karl  have  both 
informed  me  of  a  decision  that  pleases  me  very 
much.  When  I  saw  the  negotiations  with  Grand 
Duchess  Catharine  fail,  I  advised  both  of  them 
to  marry;  it  was  the  best  thing  they  could  do,  as 
they  were  the  only  ones  in  the  house  (of  Haps- 
burg)  who  had  estates  sufficient  to  allow  them 
to  do  so,  and  it  was  necessary  to  provide  for  the 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG    261 

preservation  of  the  house.  The  emperor  has  two 
sons,  the  crown  prince  ( Good  Lord ! )  and  Fran- 
cis, who  will  be  a  good  man,  but  who  is  delicate 
and  not  likely  to  live  long.  Ferdinand  has  only 
his  Leopold.  We  cannot  run  the  risk  of  having 
the  house  in  danger  of  dying  out,  and  also  can- 
not have  the  power  pass  to  the  Milan  line,  which 
is  not  purely  German.  All  my  arguments 
brought  results.  Joseph,  as  shrewd  as  ever,  and 
quick  to  put  a  plan  into  execution  once  he  has 
made  a  decision,  has  taken  up  this  idea  and  is 
working  on  it.  His  aim  is  the  Weilburg  house, 
which  has  the  daughter  of  the  duke,  and 
the  niece  from  the  house  of  Anhalt-Bernburg- 
Schaumburg,  owners  of  the  holding  of  Holzap- 
fel.  I  hope  he  will  succeed  there.  Karl  also  is 
decided,  and  happily  Griinne  agrees  with  me. 
I  tried  to  direct  his  attention  to  Prussia  or  An- 
halt-Dessau;  the  first  would  be  a  good  political 
marriage.  As  both  are  brothers  of  mine,  I  have 
to  prevent  them  from  interfering  with  each 
other's  plans,  and  I  had  a  frank  talk  with  Joseph 
about  it.  I  hope  to  see  both  of  them  satisfied 
before  the  end  of  1815,  for  then  I  shall  again 
have  promoted  a  good  action. 

February  16. — Bavaria  speaks  through  its 
"Allgemeine  Zeitung."  The  articles  on  Stein 
and  the  condemnation  of  Saxony  by  Prussia  are 
excellent.  Bavaria  plays  a  good  part.  I  find  it 


262    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

only  natural  that  it  wishes  to  remain  powerful; 
it  should  be  our  task  to  set  the  true  limits  to 
which  it  may  go.  It  seems  to  me  that  Metternich 
has  made  another  mistake  here;  it  was  worth 
while  for  us  to  make  friends  with  this  state  also. 
He  agreed  to  Fulda's  plan  without  the  knowl- 
edge of  Bavaria;  now  they  do  not  wish  to  give 
up  Salzburg  and  the  Inn  district  unless  they  get 
a  full  equivalent  for  it.  I  am  afraid  that  we 
shall  finally  yield  here,  where  we  should  never 
yield.  These  lands  are  much  too  important  for 
us. 

England,  it  seems,  was  for  a  long  time  in  the 
dark  on  the  subject  of  Saxony.  The  nation 
wanted  peace,  and  this  at  any  price ;  this  brought 
about  Lord  Castlereagh's  doubtful,  weak  be- 
havior when  a  firm  attitude  might  have  been  use- 
ful. Arguments  were  then  circulated,  princi- 
pally through  Bavaria.  These  brought  about  the 
right  views;  soon  the  nation  [England]  spoke 
for  the  preservation  of  Saxony,  resulting  in  de- 
bates to  the  close  of  Parliament  and  new  orders 
to  Vienna.  Lord  Castlereagh  thought  only  of 
saving  the  situation,  but  did  not  know  how,  and 
thus  it  comes  about  that  Saxony,  torn  in  pieces, 
reduced  by  one  half,  remains  a  bone  of  conten- 
tion, and  will  always  invite  the  greed  of  Prussia. 

Lord  Wellington  then  arrived,  for  Castle- 
reagh was  indispensable  to  his  party  and  needed 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG    263 

in  Parliament,  where  it  was  threatened  with 
trouble.  I  don't  know  whether  he  will  be  able 
to  defend  his  political  conduct;  he  will  always 
have  an  excuse,  such  as  Metternich's  variable 
and  so-called  frivolous  conduct.  Wiirtemberg 
offered  Russia  a  separate  alliance;  Russia  re- 
fused. 

Talleyrand,  with  whom  I  spoke,  thinks  the 
revolution  began  in  Germany  with  the  Reforma- 
tion, and  after  a  great  deal  of  talk  he  said  that 
Poland  must  form  an  independent  country. 
(This  was  always  the  policy  of  France,  for  Po- 
land was  its  ally.)  He  said  that  Prussia  must 
be  placed  behind  the  Elbe  and  that  Austria's 
role  was  to  be  the  protector  of  all  the  states  in 
Germany  and  their  head.  (The  old  fox!  To 
tell  that  to  me,  an  Austrian  prince!)  Cracow 
was  a  question  for  Austria  to  decide.  I  replied 
that  it  would  not  wear  roses  for  Russia.  It 
should  have  been  Leipsic.  And  now,  he  con- 
tinued, since  things  were  emasculated,  it  was 
time  to  bring  them  to  an  end. 

Talleyrand  has  confused  every  one,  and  that 
only  through  doubts,  contradictions,  etc.,  which 
he  spread  around.  Stein,  with  whom  I  spoke, 
yields  to  his  exaggerated  views  and  determina 
tion.  What  an  impractical  idea!  Germany's 
constitution  is  to  be  federative,  the  princes  are 
restricted  so  far  as  they  are  concerned  from 


264    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

making  peace,  war,  or  an  alliance  with  one  an- 
other and  with  Germany;  but  are  to  have  this 
power  if  Germany  is  not  involved.  That  is  to 
say,  Bavaria  can  make  war  with  France  against 
Spain,  but  not  with  France  against  Prussia,  or 
with  Wiirtemberg  against  Hesse.  Oh !  oh !  This 
leads  to  the  old  independence  and  separation. 

The  case  of  the  Prussian  cabinet  is  a  real  trag- 
edy, especially  the  way  things  are  conducted  here. 

Only  one  cause  is  good  and  salutary — an  inti- 
mate, loyal  alliance  between  Prussia  and  Aus- 
tria. This  holds  Germany  and  forces  it  to  join, 
with  the  result  that  France  will  not  cross  the 
Rhine,  but  go  only  to  the  Vosges,  and  in  order 
to  defeat  the  barbarians  of  the  North,  which  are 
now  pushing  southward,  to  free  Poland  and  to 
force  Russia  back  to  the  boundary  which  nature 
gave  it — to  the  Niemen,  the  Dnieper,  and  the 
Dniester. 

Who  will  bring  about  a  real  union  with  Prus- 
sia? Not  France,  let  us  hope.  We  have  no  other 
union  (open  to  us)  except  with  Prussia.  The 
latter  would  gain  thereby  and  win  strength  and 
security  against  internal  unrest.  The  state  of 
things  there  may  be  indicated  by  the  fact  that 
General  Grollmann  wrote  Lord  Wellington  that 
the  Prussian  Army  would  never  permit  Leipsic 
to  be  returned  to  Saxony  without  the  knowledge 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     265 

of  the  king.  And  he  goes  about  as  if  he  had  said 
nothing ! 

On  the  seventh  the  cases  of  Poland  and  Saxony 
were  decided;  now  they  are  occupied  with  Ger- 
man, Welsh,  and  Swiss  affairs,  but  how?  I  hear 
so  much  that  I  do  not  know  what  to  believe: 
fragments  only,  no  general  plan,  no  glance  into 
the  future;  everywhere  neglect,  mistakes,  every- 
thing done  in  a  petty  fashion.  Truly,  I  am  liv- 
ing in  continual  unrest.  I  do  what  I  can,  but 
to  what  purpose?  Who  listens? 

February  17.  March  4. — The  Congress  pro- 
gresses; Prussia  gets  its  boundaries,  but  such 
boundaries!  If  it  had  adhered  honestly  to  Aus- 
tria, it  would  have  fared  better. 

My  niece  Louise  received  Parma  through  the 
action  of  the  Russian  Emperor.  The  Swiss  and 
Italian  affairs  are  now  being  discussed;  an  ar- 
rangement is  being  made  with  Bavaria,  regard- 
ing which  I  handed  Schwarzenberg  a  note  on  the 
subject  of  Salzburg.  The  Crown  Prince  of  Ba- 
varia learned  of  this  and  accused  me  of  it ;  I  did 
not  deny  it  and  asked,  "Why  not?"  He  said  I 
did  right  in  serving  my  master ;  it  was  his  duty  to 
fight  for  his  cause.  Exactly!  We  are  and  re- 
main, therefore,  the  best  of  friends. 

While  these  things  are  being  discussed  here, 
Murat  is  moving:  he  is  said  to  have  declared  war 
on  France.  We  are  collecting  15,000  men  in 


266    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

and  about  Italy  to  maintain  our  neutrality. 
France  goes  by  sea.  I  think  that  before  we  ex- 
pect it  we  will  have  to  go  at  Murat  ourselves. 
I  wish  that  we  had  spared  ourselves  this. 

The  Crown  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg  seems  to 
draw  away  from  Russia;  he  is  not  putting  into 
effect  his  plan  of  having  a  possession  of  his  own 
on  the  Rhine,  the  command  of  the  army  of  the 
empire,  and  the  inspection  of  the  forts.  He  is 
determined  to  play  a  part;  so  he  turns  to  the 
Austria,  about  which  he  spoke  so  loudly.  Yes, 
he  seeks  service;  Milan,  the  command  against 
Murat,  is  his  aim. 

This  would  give  him  an  excuse  for  breaking  his 
relation  with  the  Grand  Duchess  Catharine,  of 
which  he  seems  to  be  tired,  and  which  he  cannot 
do  in  any  other  way,  as  he  has  already  gone  too 
far.  Of  what  good  are  courage,  knowledge,  tal- 
ents, if  the  character  is  not  honest,  firm,  and 
fixed? 

Karl  and  Joseph  are  going  forth  to  recon- 
noiter  for  wives.  Joseph  goes  with  the  Russian 
Czar  to  Berlin,  and  thence  will  visit  the  German 
courts  and  hunt  for  a  wife.  Karl  goes  to  the 
baths  at  Wiesbaden,  where  he  also  will  search 
for  a  wife;  he  has  talked  a  great  deal,  however, 
and  the  Prince  of  Reuss  has  spoken  with  the 
Weilburger,  so  that  the  latter  assuredly  knows 
that  his  daughter  is  the  objective.  I  am  urging 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     267 

both  brothers  on,  so  that  they  will  marry  before 
fall.  I  should  like  to  have  Karl  get  a  good  wife, 
so  that  the  grand  duchess  [Catharine]  will  not 
be  able  to  interest  him  again  if  the  Wiirtemberg 
case  should  fall  through.  I  am  not  at  all  con- 
cerned about  Joseph. 

Xapoleon  left  Elba  with  1200  men  and  six 
cannon  on  February  26,  27.  Colonel  Campbell 
of  England  was  to  watch  him;  he  had  gone  to 
the  Continent  to  make  preparations!  No  ships 
to  be  had.  I  said  long  ago  we  should  have  a  care ; 
he  was  preparing  something.  Every  one  looked 
on  me  as  a  pessimist.  I  marvel  only  at  the  gen- 
erosity of  the  victors  who  left  1000  men  of  the 
guards,  a  battalion,  and  several  ships  in  his  hands. 
He  went  north,  and  was  seen  to  sail  past  Capraja 
and  Corsica.  Murat  has  70,000  men,  and  France 
wanted  to  oppose  him ;  so  Soult  arranged  to  have 
60,000  men  at  Lyons.  He  had  drawn  his  army 
corps  to  Paris  and  had  sent  away  all  other  troops, 
all  at  the  time  when  Xapoleon  began  to  move. 
This  is  very  dangerous.  Talleyrand,  whom  I  met 
at  court,  thought  the  situation  unimportant;  yet 
his  anxiety  was  apparent,  for  he  sought  a  decla- 
ration by  the  allies.  He  said  he  thought  Na- 
poleon was  going  to  Genoa. 

Wellington,  who  sees  things  simply  and  accu- 
rately, thought  Napoleon  would  go  to  southern 


268    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

France;  he  would  not  have  many  supporters 
there,  but  the  army  favored  him. 

Metternich  treated  it  as  a  joke.  This  angered 
me,  for  I  did  not  find  it  a  joke,  but  exceedingly 
serious.  Bellegarde  was  ordered  to  gather  to- 
gether all  the  troops  he  could  if  Xapoleon  landed 
in  Italy  and  to  attack  him  at  once.  It  is  my  view 
that  there  is  no  time  to  be  lost.  England  and 
Holland  under  Wellington  in  the  Netherlands; 
Prussians  and  Russians  at  Mayence;  we  and  the 
South  Germans  at  Strasburg — we  must  try  to 
hold  these  forts.  In  Italy  100,000  Austrians  will 
be  sufficient. 

March  14,  18. — Napoleon's  undertaking,  the 
trip  to  Grenoble.  He  found  the  peasantry 
against  him  everywhere;  but  in  Grenoble  the  sit- 
uation changed.  In  the  meantime  we  issued  a 
manifesto  too  precipitately ;  for  if  Napoleon's  af- 
fair was  insignificant,  it  was  superfluous,  and  if 
the  army,  and  thereby  France,  fell  to  Napoleon, 
how  could  we  carry  out  what  we  promised  ?  The 
phraseology  of  the  manifesto  may  be  criticized 
even  more. 

Talleyrand  was  in  haste ;  therefore  it  was  issued 
so  quickly. 1 

On  the  sixteenth  nothing  was  known  at  Paris ; 

1The  archduke  added  at  a  later  time:  "Out  of  fear;  for  if  Napoleon 
won,  Talleyrand's  neck  was  at  stake." 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     269 

this  to  me  seemed  a  bad  sign.  To-day  I  had  a 
talk  with  the  Emperor  of  Austria. 

March  17. — News  from  France.  All  these  re- 
ports, which  came  so  suddenly,  as  well  as  the  ac- 
tivity and  speed  of  Xapoleon,  frightened  the 
lords.  The  Russian  Czar  unbent,  showed  fear; 
long  conferences  about  operations,  etc.  This  is 
no  time  for  much  conferring ;  act !  To-day  is  the 
eighteenth.  Xapoleon  may  be  in  Paris  to-day; 
if  he  succeeds  in  this,  we  shall  soon  see  him  with 
200,000  good  fighting  men  among  us.  His  proc- 
lamations are  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Rome 
and  his  rights ;  he  calls  himself  his  general ;  prom- 
ises the  nation  Belgium  and  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rhine;  is  determined  against  the  allies.  Now 
comes  the  fourth  act,  a  war  more  dangerous,  more 
severe  than  ever ;  there  is  no  way  out  of  it.  We 
cannot  be  on  the  Rhine  for  a  month ;  the  Russians 
come  much  later,  and  time  is  precious. 

Letitia,  Pauline,  and  the  other  sisters  [of 
Bonaparte]  and  Jerome  have  been  arrested; 
Joseph  is  in  Switzerland,  and  officers  have  been 
sent  to  get  him. 

To-day  came  the  news  that  the  Swiss  had 
agreed  in  Zurich  to  unite  intimately,  to  forget 
everything,  and  to  concentrate  only  on  the  dan- 
ger that  threatened  the  fatherland.  Geneva  had 
asked  for  help.  The  Swiss  offered  the  draft  of 
from  30,000  to  40,000  men. 


270    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Fortunate  the  man  who  will  command  such 
brave  fellows!  If  I  could  get  this  commission, 
and  thereby  fight  with  from  5,000  to  6,000  Ty- 
rolese  marksmen  for  my  emperor,  we  surely 
would  not  disgrace  ourselves. 

March  19,  20. — Karl  went  to  the  emperor  to 
ask  for  a  commission  if  war  should  break  out;  he 
offered  himself  for  anything,  really  with  a  great 
deal  of  self-denial.  The  emperor  was  embar- 
rassed. 

To-morrow  Ludwig  goes;  on  Friday  I  shall 
drag  myself  up;  it  is  a  question  whether  we  can 
accomplish  anything.  However,  it  is  our  duty  to 
speak,  and  the  moment  is  opportune,  as  all  the 
field  equipages  are  being  prepared.  I  go  as  they 
will  have  me  and  under  any  one  and  will  make  no 
conditions;  honor  impels  me,  nothing  more.  I 
have  no  object;  I  demand  neither  distinction,  ad- 
vancement, nor  anything  else. 

March  21. — I  am  satisfied.  Karl  spoke  with 
Schwarzenberg;  so  I  learned  that  we  shall  all  get 
a  position.  Karl  will  be  governor  of  Mayence; 
Italy  was  probably  his  field.  In  the  meantime  it 
is  good  of  Karl  to  take  this  place. 

I  am  to  receive  the  direction  of  engineers  with 
the  main  army.  I  am  satisfied ;  I  shall  be  at  head- 
quarters, shall  learn  and  see  everything,  and  as 
I  wish  to  gain  Schwarzenberg's  good  opinion, 
he  can  use  me  for  whatever  he  wishes.  Perhaps 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     271 

Heaven  will  give  me  an  opportunity  to  accom- 
plish something.  Ludwig  gets  a  division  of  gren- 
adiers. 

We  must  accept  everything  that  is  given  us, 
and  then  every  one  must  do  all  he  can  to  show 
what  we  are  capable  of.  Now  is  the  time  to  show 
the  world  that  the  Austrian  princes  are  men  in 
courage,  knowledge,  fulfilment  of  duty,  self-de- 
nial in  everything.  We  must  show  our  emperor 
how  shamefully  we  have  been  maligned. 

We  serve  only  for  honor  and  the  fatherland. 
We  want  no  orders,  no  higher  rank,  no  pay ;  noth- 
ing but  his  recognition  that  we  are  loyal  to  him, 
that  we  are  capable  of  doing  something,  and  that 
in  us  lives  the  spirit  that  has  so  often  saved  Haps- 
burg  by  the  compact  union  of  its  descendants 
for  the  common  cause  of  the  house. 

An  exposition  of  what  must  be  done  to  prevent 
another  uprising  by  Napoleon.  Thus  only  can 
this  dragon  be  crushed,  and  crushed  he  must  be, 
so  that  his  slaver  does  not  poison  other  states. 

Metternich  has  made  peace  with  the  Czar  of 
Russia.  This  gracious  lord  can  now  comprehend 
what  injury  his  philanthropy  has  done.  What 
mild  treatment  was  that  in  Paris!  Everything 
conceded!  The  100,000  prisoners  could  not  be 
sent  to  France  too  soon.  These  are  the  very  ones 
who  now  are  firm  adherents  of  Napoleon.  It 
was  this  man  who  discovered  doubt,  anxiety,  dim*- 


272     A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

culties,  and  the  possibility  that  France  wished 
neither  Napoleon  nor  the  Bourbons;  who  con- 
sidered what  should  be  done — and  actions  like 
this!  I  say  that  the  French  have  to  take  the 
Bourbons  because  we  have  said  so,  and  because 
we  have  the  power  to  make  them  do  so.  I  would 
not  have  issued  the  declaration  [making  Na- 
poleon an  outlaw],  but  now  it  is  fortunate  that 
it  took  place,  for  now  we  have  to  act.  The  sum- 
mer of  1815  must  see  the  matter  concluded.  Only 
then  shall  we  have  peace  and  be  able  to  build  up 
something  substantial. 

March  22,  24. — I  put  my  case  before  Schwar- 
zenberg  and  pleaded  that  I  be  not  left  behind. 
I  would  do  anything,  even  the  smallest  task;  it 
would  be  cruel,  unjust  if  we  men  of  Austria 
were  the  only  ones  left  behind  when  all  others 
departed.  He  said  he  understood  this  and  be- 
lieved that  the  emperor  wrould  take  it  into  con- 
sideration, but  he  did  not  know  when  or  how. 
To-morrow  I  will  go  to  the  emperor  and  will 
plead  and  make  representations. 

March  24. — William  [Prince  of  Prussia]  is 
leaving  to-day;  we  said  farewell;  our  friendship 
is  forever.  Where  souls  find  each  other,  even 
death  does  not  part  them.  God  grant  that  we 
meet  again !  We  both  were  greatly  moved ;  he,  as 
if  he  believed  that  we  would  not  meet  again.  He 
is  the  father  of  a  family,  an  honorable  German 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG     273 

man.  May  God  be  with  him  and  protect  him  and 
give  him  long  life  to  do  great  and  good  things 
for  our  common  fatherland,  for  our  people,  and 
for  his  nation! 

March  25. — To-day  Ludwig  received  his  as- 
signment, a  division  of  thirteen  battalions  of 
grenadiers  in  the  reserve;  my  cousin  Ferdinand 
received  the  command  of  the  reserve  itself;  I  am 
working  out  my  views  on  the  Italian  positions 
for  Schwarzenberg. 

March  26. — Yesterday  I  visited  the  emperor, 
who  made  me  director  of  engineers  of  the  army 
and  who  was  most  friendly.  I  told  him  that  when 
I  learned  that  Ludwig  was  to  have  a  command  I 
determined  to  say  nothing  to  him,  as  I  was  con- 
vinced that  he  would  not  forget  me.  This  pleased 
him.  He  spoke  a  great  deal  about  Italy,  and  I 
saw  that  he  was  inclined  to  take  me  with  him 
when  the  unrest  has  ended,  or  to  let  me  proceed 
thither  and  to  investigate  the  country  and  the 
fortifications.  He  agreed  to  everything  that  I 
need  for  my  equipment.  Dear,  good  man,  to 
whom  I  am  so  devoted,  if  I  could  but  do  him  a 
real  service,  then  I  would  be  happy.  In  the  eve- 
ning I  received  a  command  from  Prince  Schwar- 
zenberg as  follows: 

"His  Majesty  in  a  most  exalted  decision  of 
the  twenty-fourth  of  this  month  has  deigned  to 
attach  your  imperial  Highness  to  the  army  in 


274     A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Germany;  and  also  instructed  your  Highness  to 
take  charge  of  the  direction  of  the  engineers  in 
the  field,"  etc. 

April  4. — Note  of  Prince  Metternich  delivered 
early  yesterday  evening  to  the  emperor.  The 
archduke  wished  first  to  receive  the  homage  of 
Italy  in  the  name  of  the  emperor,  then  inspect 
the  fortresses,  and  then  to  proceed  to  him  either 
to  Vienna  or  through  Switzerland  and  make  a 
report.  Conferences  with  Metternich,  Schwar- 
zenberg,  Lazensky. 

Metternich  advised  him  that  Goes  and  a  com- 
manding officer  had  been  decided  on  for  Venice, 
Saurau  and  Frimont  were  to  go  to  Milan,  and 
Bellegarde  was  to  act  in  the  interim  as  viceroy. 
The  emperor  would  assume  the  title  of  King  of 
Lombardy  and  Venice;  the  attack  on  Murat 
would  now  open.  He  had  only  35,000  men. 

Karl  has  received  orders  to  go  to  Mayence — 
very  brief.  That  is  to  say,  he  will  be  commandant 
of  this  fort. 

I  naturally  feel  the  bitterness  which  he  must 
feel  at  having  to  play  such  a  passive  part;  criti- 
cism, adverse  comment  on  what  has  taken  place, 
general  disapproval.  This  is  the  poison  that  is 
circulated ;  I  shall  warn  him  and  beg  him  as  a  true 
friend.  I  would  surely  want  to  see  him  in  an 
exalted  place  as  he  deserves.  God  knows. 


PRINCE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  HAPSBURG    275 

April  5. — At  the  emperor's.  Before  God,  my 
life  is  nothing  to  me  if  I  cannot  give  him  a  proof 
of  how  much  I  think  of  him,  and  that  I  am  his 
true  servitor.  Hail  my  master  and  Austria ! 


CHAPTER  VII 

TEH   MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   OF   DI- 
PLOMACY  EXPOSES    HIS   HAND 

FROM  THE  LETTERS  OF  CHARLES  MAURICE  DE 
TALLEYRAND  TO  HIS  SOVEREIGN,  KING  LOUIS 
XVIII  OF  FRANCE 

THIS  is  Talleyrand's  own  story"  of  how  he  defeated 
the  attempt  of  the  allies  to  revise  the  map  of  Europe 
without  consulting  France.  Through  a  long  number 
of  years  of  French  diplomacy  from  the  time  of  the 
Revolution  to  that  of  Louis  Philippe,  Talleyrand  is 
either  in  the  foreground  or  in  the  background,  never 
very  far  away.  Estimates  of  his  usefulness  vary,  and 
his  character,  violently  attacked  during  his  lifetime, 
has  had  both  its  apologists  and  its  detractors.  Talley- 
rand appeared  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna  as  the  most 
accomplished  of  all  the  diplomats  of  the  old  school.  He 
had  often  been  a  match  for  them;  he  had  beaten  them 
at  their  own  game,  and  for  the  most  part  they  hated 
him:  yet  he  triumphed  again,  just  as  he  did  in  Paris 
in  1814  when  the  allied  armies  had  taken  Napoleon's 
citadel. 

To  understand  Talleyrand  it  is  necessary  to  know 
the  times  in  which  he  lived.  He  began  his  career  as 

276 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND     277 

Bishop  of  Autun.  In  1789  he  proposed  that  the 
property  of  the  church  be  confiscated  by  the  state.  He 
became  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  and  when  Napoleon 
seized  power,  he  was  retained  in  office.  Throughout  the 
early  years  of  Napoleon's  reign  Talleyrand  appears  at 
his  right  hand,  conducting  most  of  the  diplomatic  ne- 
gotiations. After  the  Peace  of  Tilsit  he  broke  with  the 
emperor.  He  founded  that  Confederacy  of  the  Rhine 
which  was  still  talked  about  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna. 
He  helped  bring  about  the  abdication  of  Napoleon,  and 
when  Czar  Alexander  arrived  in  Paris  in  1814  and 
made  his  headquarters  in  Talleyrand's  house,  the  latter 
formulated  his  famous  principle  of  legitimacy,  setting 
forth  that  unless  a  legitimate  sovereign  ruled  France, 
all  thrones  of  Europe  would  be  endangered.  He  obtained 
the  restoration  of  Louis  XVIII,  and  represented  him 
at  Vienna.  Here  he  obtained  for  France  her  old  fron- 
tiers ;  succeeded  in  forming  a  secret  alliance  between 
England,  Austria,  and  France  to  checkmate  Russia  and 
Prussia ;  compelled  Alexander  to  be  satisfied  with  a  part 
of  Poland  instead  of  the  whole;  and  prevented  the 
complete  absorption  of  Saxony  by  Prussia.  The  means 
he  used  were  those  of  the  old  diplomacy,  and  in  these 
letters  to  his  sovereign,  Louis  XVIII,  he  has  exposed 
his  hand.  It  is  of  interest  now  to  recall  that  Talley- 
rand many  years  later  took  an  important  part  in  the 
negotiations  that  led  to  the  foundation  of  the  present 
Kingdom  of  Belgium. 


278   A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

VIENNA,  October  4,  1814. 
SIRE: 

On  September  30,  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  I  received  a  letter  of  five  lines 
from  Prince  Metternich,  dated  the  day  before, 
in  which  he  made  the  proposal,  on  his  own  respon- 
sibility, that  I  attend  a  preliminary  conference 
at  two  o'clock,  together  with  the  representatives 
of  Russia,  England,  and  Prussia.  He  added 
that  a  similar  invitation  would  be  sent  to  M.  de 
Labrador,  the  representative  of  Spain. 

The  words  "together  with"  and  "attend"  were 
apparently  used  after  careful  consideration.  I 
replied  that  with  pleasure  I  would  visit  him  to- 
gether with  the  representatives  of  Russia,  Eng- 
land, Spain,  and  Prussia. 

The  invitation  sent  to  M.  de  Labrador  was 
couched  in  the  same  phrases  as  mine  with  this 
exception,  that  it  was  placed  in  the  form  of  a 
letter  in  the  third  person,  drawn  up  in  the  name 
of  Prince  von  Metternich  and  his  colleagues. 

M.  de  Labrador  communicated  this  writing  to 
me  and  asked  my  advice  regarding  an  answer.  I 
showed  him  my  reply,  and  he  compiled  one  ex- 
actly the  same,  in  which  France  was  named  to- 
gether with,  and  preceding,  the  names  of  the 
other  powers.  In  this  manner  M.  de  Labrador 
and  I  checkmated  this  scheme  for  separating  and 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND    279 

isolating  us,  and  drove  a  wedge  between  the  inti- 
mate alliance  of  the  others. 

I  arrived  at  M.  von  Metternich's  before  two 
o'clock,  but  found  the  representatives  of  the  four 
allied  courts  already  assembled  in  conference 
about  a  long  table.  Lord  Castlereagh,  at  one 
end,  evidently  had  the  chair;  at  the  other  end 
sat  a  man  who  was  introduced  to  me  by  M.  von 
Metternich  as  the  secretary  of  their  conference: 
it  was  Gentz. 

Talleyrand  here  meets  a  remarkable  figure  of  the 
Congress  of  Vienna,  Friedrich  von  Gentz,  first  a  Prus- 
sian, then  an  Austrian,  statesman,  also  known  as  the 
Chevalier  Gentz,  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  our 
knowledge  of  the  minutes  of  the  Congress.  Gentz  drew 
up  the  resolutions  and  treaties  of  the  Congress.  He 
was  one  of  those  indispensable  men  who  never  lack 
work,  for  he  served  as  secretary  for  the  Austrian  pleni- 
potentiaries at  Vienna,  Aix-la-Chapelle  (1818),  Carls- 
bad (1819),  Troppau  (1820),  Laibach  (1821),  and 
Verona  (1822). 

A  chair  was  vacant  between  Castlereagh  and 
Metternich,  and  I  seated  myself  there.  I  asked 
the  question  why  I  alone  of  the  embassy  of  your 
Majesty  had  been  invited.  This  led  to  the  fol- 
lowing conversation: 

"The  chiefs  of  the  various  cabinets  alone  were 
intentionally  invited  to  the  preliminary  confer- 
ences." 


280    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

"M.  de  Labrador  is  not  chief,  and  yet  was  in- 
vited." 

"The  Spanish  secretary  of  state  has  not  yet 
arrived  in  Vienna." 

"But,  in  addition  to  Prince  Hardenberg  [of 
Prussia],  I  see  here  M.  von  Humboldt,  who  also 
is  not  secretary  of  state." 

"This  is  an  exception  that  is  made  necessary 
by  the  physical  defect  of  Prince  Hardenberg, 
which  is  well  known  to  you." 

"If  this  is  a  case  of  physical  defects,  then 
every  one  can  make  use  of  his  own  and  has  the 
right  to  capitalize  it." 

This  little  verbal  tilt  refers  first  of  all  to  the  fact 
that  Prince  Hardenberg  was  hard  of  hearing;  Talley- 
rand, who  was  lame,  speaks  ironically  of  his  own  de- 
formity. 

It  seemed  to  be  the  feeling  that  every  secre- 
tary of  state  should  bring  with  him  a  plenipoten- 
tiary who  had  been  assigned  to  him.  For  the 
moment  I  held  it  useless  to  parley  longer  on  this 
issue. 

There  follows  here  the  report  on  the  protest  of  the 
Portugese  ambassador,  Count  Palmella,  who  had  not 
been  invited  to  the  preliminary  conference. 

"The  subject  of  to-day's  conference,"  ex- 
plained Lord  Castlereagh  to  me,  "is  to  present  to 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND     281 

you  the  communication  regarding  the  steps  that 
have  been  taken  by  the  four  courts  which  are  here 
represented."  He  then  turned  to  Metternich 
and  said,  "You  have  the  minutes." 

Metternich  thereupon  handed  me  a  written 
document,  signed  by  himself,  Count  Xesselrode, 
Lord  Castlereagh,  and  Prince  Hardenberg,  in 
several  paragraphs  of  which  occurred  the  term 
"allies."  I  objected  to  this  term;  I  said  that 
this  word  prompted  me  to  ask  whether  we  were 
still  in  Chaumont  or  in  Leon,  whether  peace  had 
not  been  achieved,  and  whether  enmities  still 
existed,  and  against  whom?  All  replied  that 
they  placed  no  weight  whatsoever  on  the  word 
"allies,"  nor  used  it  in  a  sense  not  in  keeping  with 
our  present  relations;  the  word  had  been  chosen 
solely  for  its  brevity.  At  this  I  protested  that 
even  if  the  word  was  of  value  for  its  brevity,  this 
did  not  permit  us  to  ignore  its  exact  meaning. 

The  contents  of  the  protocol  was  a  tangle  of 
metaphysical  conclusions;  the  object  was  to  give 
validity  to  demands  based  on  treaties  wholly  un- 
known to  us.  To  discuss  these  conclusions  and 
demands  would  have  had  the  same  effect  as 
jumping  into  an  ocean  of  disputation;  therefore 
I  saw  the  necessity  of  turning  everything  down 
with  a  conclusive  argument.  I  read  a  number 
of  paragraphs  and  said: 

"I  cannot  make  anything  of  it."     I  then  read 


282    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

them  carefully  for  the  second  time,  with  the  atti- 
tude of  a  man  who  desires  to  go  to  the  bottom 
of  a  matter,  and  then  said,  "I  still  am  not  able  to 
make  anything  of  it,"  and  added:  "For  me  there 
are  two  dates  between  which  nothing  has  hap- 
pened. The  first  date  is  May  30,  on  which  the 
organization  of  the  Congress  was  proclaimed ;  the 
second,  October  1,  on  which  the  Congress  was 
to  meet.  Everything  that  has  happened  in  this 
interval  is  unknown  to  me,  and  does  not  exist  so 
far  as  I  am  concerned." 

The  reply  of  the  plenipotentiaries  was  to  the 
effect  that  they  placed  little  weight  on  the  docu- 
ment and  thought  it  would  be  better  to  withdraw 
it.  Thereupon  M.  de  Labrador  remarked  that, 
nevertheless,  they  had  signed  it.  The  document 
was  then  withdrawn ;  Metternich  put  it  aside,  and 
no  more  was  said  about  it. 

The  document  which  caused  all  this  verbal  sparring 
between  Talleyrand  and  the  representatives  of  the  four 
powers  is  known  as  the  resolution  of  September  22, 
1814,  which  opens  with  the  presumptuous  phrase,  "The 
representatives  of  Austria,  Russia,  England,  and  Prus- 
sia have  gathered  to  decide  on  a  suitable  order  of 
business  for  the  Congress  of  Vienna  by  means  of  which 
it  will  be  brought  to  a  speedy  and  successful  conclu- 
sion." The  resolution  in  effect  was  meant  to  deprive 
France  of  any  voice  in  the  most  important  transactions 
of  the  Congress,  such  as  the  division  of  conquered 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND    283 

territory.  In  a  secondary  resolution  of  the  same  date, 
which  is  meant  to  interpret  more  clearly  the  intent  of 
the  first  document,  the  allies  state  specifically  that: 
"The  four  powers  are  to  come  to  an  agreement  solely 
among  themselves  regarding  the  division  of  the  prov- 
inces that  have  become  accessible  through  the  last  war 
and  the  Treaty  of  Paris ;  the  other  two  [France  and 
Spain]  are  later  to  be  called  upon  to  give  their  views 
and,  if  they  consider  it  necessary,  their  objections, 
which  will  then  be  discussed  with  them;  and  also,  in 
order  not  to  be  led  away  from  this  guiding  line,  the 
plenipotentiaries  of  the  four  powers  will  enter  into 
negotiations  with  the  other  two  only  after  they  have 
completed  wholly  and  in  agreement  the  division  of  the 
territories  in  the  Duchy  of  Warsaw,  in  Germany,  and 
in  Italy."  Farther  on  in  the  resolution  the  allies  also 
state  that  "as  France  has  again  received  a  legitimate 
government,  the  four  allied  powers  have  no  intention 
of  barring  this  nation  or  Spain  from  any  discussions 
on  the  division  of  territories  in  so  far  as  these  powers 
have  a  special  interest  in  them,  or  in  so  far  as  the  in- 
terest of  all  of  Europe  comes  into  question,  as  they 
would  have  barred  France  had  peace  been  made  with 
Napoleon." 

The  supplementary  resolution  precipitated  a  similar 
discussion  when  it  was  read  at  this  conference.  Talley- 
rand again  made  good  his  objections,  especially  against 
the  fact  that  the  six  great  powers,  England,  Austria, 
Prussia,  Russia,  Italy,  and  Spain,  should  do  all  the 
preliminary  work  for  the  Congress.  He  succeeded  in 
winning  Castlereagh  over  to  his  point  of  view,  and 


created  for  the  first  time  a  feeling  of  indecision  among 
the  allies. 

Then  I  went  to  the  special  audience  that  Czar 
Alexander,  through  Xesselrode,  had  commanded 
me  to  attend.  The  czar  came  forward  to  meet 
me  and  shook  my  hand,  but  his  air  was  not 
friendly,  as  formerly;  he  spoke  sharply,  and  his 
attitude  was  earnest,  almost  ceremonious.  I 
saw  clearly  that  he  was  engaged  in  trying  to  play 
a  role. 

"Above  all,"  said  he,  "how  is  the  situation  in 
France?" 

"As  good  as  your  Majesty  might  wish,  and 
better  than  we  could  hope  for." 

"How  is  public  opinion?" 

"It  improves  every  day." 

"The  liberal  ideas?" 

"They  develop  nowhere  better  than  in  France." 

"What  about  the  freedom  of  the  press?" 

"It  has  been  restored;  but  a  few  restrictions 
are  still  necessary  in  the  circumstances,  and  will 
be  removed  in  two  years.  These,  however,  are 
not  to  interfere  with  the  publication  of  all  that 
is  good  and  useful." 

"And  the  army?" 

"It  is  entirely  on  the  side  of  the  king;  one 
hundred  thirty  thousand  men  are  under  the 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND     285 

colors,  and  with  the  first  call  three  hundred  thou- 
sand could  be  added." 

"What  are  the  marshals  doing?" 

"Which  do  you  mean,  Sire?" 

"What  is  Oudinot  doing?" 

"He  is  faithful  to  the  king." 

"What  is  Soult  doing?" 

"At  first  he  was  disaffected;  he  had  received 
the  office  of  governor  of  the  Vendee  and  con- 
ducted himself  excellently  there,  and  had  won 
love  and  respect." 

"What  is  Ney  doing?" 

"He  is  still  thinking  with  regret  of  his  endow- 
ments; but  this  regyet  the  favor  of  your  Majesty 
can  diminish." 

"What  are  the  two  chambers  doing?  It  seems 
to  me  as  if  opposition  is  rising  there." 

"It  is  the  common  belief,  where  there  are  de- 
liberating assemblies,  that  there  may  be  differ- 
ences of  opinion;  but  in  feelings  they  are  one. 
Despite  the  change  of  opinion  of  a  few,  a  great 
majority  is  still  with  the  Government." 

"But  there  is  no  unity." 

"Who  could  have  reported  such  a  thing  to 
your  Majesty?  After  a  revolution  lasting 
twenty-five  years  the  position  of  the  king  has  be- 
come so  secure  in  a  few  months  that  it  seems  as 
if  he  had  never  left  France.  Can  anything  prove 
better  that  all  are  marching  toward  one  goal?" 


286    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

"But  your  personal  position?" 

"The  proofs  of  the  king's  confidence  in  me  ex- 
ceed my  hopes." 

"Let  us  now  talk  of  our  transactions;  we  will 
have  to  conclude  them  here." 

"That  depends  upon  your  Majesty.  They 
will  be  brought  to  an  end  quickly  and  happily  if 
your  Majesty  shows  the  same  nobility  and  the 
same  greatness  of  soul  here  as  in  France/' 

"But  every  one  is  entitled  to  his  accounting." 

"And  every  one  to  what  is  his  right." 

"I  will  retain  the  occupied  territory  [Poland]." 

"Your  Majesty  will  wish  to  retain  only  that 
which  is  yours  by  right." 

"I  am  in  agreement  with  the  great  powers." 

"I  do  not  know  whether  your  Majesty  includes 
France  among  them." 

"Surely;  but  if  you  do  not  want  every  one  to 
have  what  is  due  him,  what  is  your  intention?" 

"I  place  this  accounting  after  the  right." 

"The  accounting  of  Europe  is  the  right  [jus- 
tice]." 

"This  language,  Sire,  is  not  }rour  own;  it  is 
foreign  to  you,  and  your  heart  is  not  in  it." 

"No;  I  repeat  it,  the  accounting  of  Europe  is 
the  right." 

Thereupon  I  turned  to  the  wall  beside  which 
I  stood,  leaned  my  head  against  it,  pounded  the 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN  EXPOSES   HAND     287 

panels,  and  cried,  "Europe!  unhappy  Europe!" 
Then  I  turned  again  to  the  czar  and  asked: 

"Shall  it  be  said  in  the  future  that  you  forced 
Europe  into  the  abyss?" 

He  replied: 

"Rather  war  than  to  give  up  what  I  have  oc- 
cupied." 

"I  let  my  arms  fall,  and  remained  silent  in  the 
attitude  of  a  deeply  grieved,  but  determined, 
man,  with  an  expression  as  if  to  say,  "It  will 
not  be  our  fault." 

It  was  several  moments  before  the  czar  broke 
the  silence,  and  then  he  repeated : 

"Yes;  rather  war." 

I  continued  in  my  attitude.  Thereupon  he 
raised  his  hands  and  shook  them  as  I  had  never 
before  seen  him  do,  in  a  manner  that  called  to 
mind  the  closing  lines  of  "The  Eulogy  of  Marcus 
Aurelius,"  and  cried  out: 

"It  is  time  for  the  theater;  I  must  go.  I  have 
promised  the  emperor;  he  awaits  me."  There- 
upon he  departed;  in  the  open  door  he  turned 
about  once  more,  took  hold  of  me  with  both 
hands,  and  said  to  me  while  wholly  beside  him- 
self: "Adieu,  adieu.  We  will  meet  again." 

During  this  whole  conversation,  of  which  I  can 
report  to  your  Majesty  only  the  most  important 
part,  Poland  and  Saxony  were  not  mentioned  a 
single  time,  but  were  referred  to  only  by  circum- 


288    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

locution.  For  instance,  the  czar  meant  Saxony 
when  he  said,  "The  traitor  to  the  cause  of  Eu- 
rope." Thereupon  I  replied: 

"Sire,  it  is  a  question  of  facts";  and  after  a 
short  pause  I  added,  "And  the  result  of  difficul- 
ties in  which  one  may  be  placed  by  circum- 
stances." 

At  one  time  the  czar  spoke  of  "allies."  I  re- 
jected the  term,  as  I  had  done  before  in  the 
conference,  and  made  its  use  cumbersome  to  him. 

This,  Sire,  is  the  present  situation. 

Your  Majesty  sees  how  difficult  is  our  posi- 
tion. With  every  day  it  may  become  worse. 
Czar  Alexander  is  developing  his  ambition ;  he  is 
being  urged  on  by  La  Harpe  and  Prince  Czar- 
toryski.  Prussia  is  looking  forward  to  unusual 
enlargement  of  territory;  Austria  is  faint- 
hearted, and  has  only  an  ignoble  ambition,  but 
is  glad  to  find  support.  And  these  alone  are  not 
the  only  difficulties.  Others  are  growing  out  of 
the  treaties  which  the  courts  that  were  once  allied 
made  with  one  another  at  a  time  when  they  did 
not  expect  the  fall  of  the  man  whom  they  saw 
fall,  and  when  they  had  resolved  to  make  a  peace 
with  him  which  would  permit  them  to  become 
his  imitators. 

To-day,  when,  with  your  Majesty,  Justice  has 
reascended  the  throne,  these  powers  for  whose 
advantage  these  agreements  were  made  do  not 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND     289 

wish  to  give  them  up;  whereas  those  who  are 
perhaps  sorry  that  they  are  pledged  do  not  know 
how  they  are  to  free  themselves.  In  the  latter 
situation,  according  to  my  view,  is  England, 
whose  plenipotentiary  is  weak.  It  is  possible 
that  the  representatives  of  your  Majesty  may 
meet  such  opposition  that  they  will  have  to  give 
up  all  hope  except  of  saving  their  honor ;  but  we 
have  not  yet  come  to  that. 

VIENNA,  October  9,  1814. 
SIRE: 

The  representatives  of  the  four  courts  were 
embarrassed  by  my  note  of  October  1,  and  as 
they  could  find  no  argument  to  refute  it,  they 
acted  as  if  insulted.  "This  note,"  M.  von  Hum- 
boldt  said,  "is  a  torch  thrown  in  our  midst." 
"They  plan  to  separate  us,"  said  Nesselrode. 
"This  shall  not  succeed."  They  confess  publicly, 
therefore,  what  was  easy  to  suspect,  that  they 
have  made  an  agreement  with  one  another  in 
order  to  become  masters  of  the  whole  situation 
and  to  represent  themselves  as  the  supreme  ar- 
biters of  all  Europe.  More  moderately,  and 
in  a  milder  tone,  Lord  Castlereagh  said  to  me, 
that  it  was  their  view  that  the  conference  to  which 
they  invited  M.  de  Labrador  and  me  should  be 
an  extremely  confidential  one,  and  that  I  had 
robbed  it  of  this  character  by  my  note,  and  in 


290    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

addition  to  that,  by  an  official  note.  I  replied 
that  the  mistake  was  on  their  side,  not  on  mine. 
They  had  wished  to  know  my  view,  and  I  had 
thought  that  I  should  communicate  it  to  them  in 
writing  and  with  my  signature,  because  I  had 
seen  that  they  communicated  among  themselves 
in  their  conferences  in  writing  and  with  signature. 

The  ambassadors  wanted  Talleyrand  to  withdraw 
his  note,  but  Labrador  remarked  that  it  was  too  late, 
since  the  note  already  was  in  circulation.  Metternich 
became  embarrassed  and  pointed  out  that  the  four 
powers  alone  would  make  all  preparations.  Thereupon 
Talleyrand  declared  that  he  would  take  part  in  no 
further  conferences  until  the  Congress  was  opened.  In 
this  manner  he  managed  to  create  a  feeling  of  insecur- 
ity and  to  win  Castelreagh  over  to  his  side.  Then 
Metternich,  fearing  the  designs  of  Russia  and  Prussia, 
showed  a  leaning  toward  Talleyrand.  He  sent  Talley- 
rand a  note  asking  him  to  call,  "because  it  concerns 
important  matters."  The  narrative  which  follows  deals 
with  this  incident. 

I  arrived  at  his  home  at  seven  o'clock  and  was 
admitted  at  once.  He  spoke  first  of  the  draft  of 
an  explanation  which  he  had  caused  to  be  pre- 
pared, and  which,  he  said  to  me,  differed  a  little 
from  my  own,  but  yet  was  so  similar  that  I  might 
be  satisfied  with  it.  I  asked  him  for  this  docu- 
ment, but  he  did  not  have  it  at  hand. 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND     291 

"I  suppose  it  circulates  among  the  allies?"  I 
asked. 

"Speak  no  longer  of  the  allies;  they  no  longer 
exist." 

"There  are  persons  here,"  I  said,  "who  should 
be  allies  in  the  sense  that,  without  having  an 
understanding,  they  have  the  same  object.  How 
do  you  get  the  courage  to  let  Russia  coil  itself 
around  Hungary  and  Bohemia,  your  foremost 
and  most  important  possessions?  Can  you  per- 
mit the  heritage  of  a  good  old  neighbor  into  whose 
family  a  duchess  has  married  to  be  turned  over 
to  your  natural  enemy?  It  is  strange  that  we 
should  wish  to  oppose  your  enemy,  and  that  you 
do  not." 

He  said  to  me  that  I  had  no  confidence  in 
him;  I  replied  that  he  had  given  me  little  cause 
for  it,  and  reminded  him  of  several  instances  in 
which  he  had  not  kept  his  promise  to  me. 

"In  addition  to  that,"  I  added,  "how  can  I 
trust  a  man  who  acts  secretly  against  those  who 
show  by  their  leanings  that  they  intend  to  make 
his  own  cause  their  own?  On  my  part,  I  am  not 
doing  this  secretly,  and  do  not  need  to  do  so. 
That  is  the  advantage  of  men  who  act  on  the 
basis  of  principles.  Here,"  I  continued,  "are 
pens  and  paper.  Will  you  not  write  that  France 
asks  nothing  and  will  take  nothing?  I  am  ready 
to  sign  this." 


292    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

"But,"  said  he,  "the  Neapolitan  matter  re- 
mains open,  and  this  is  virtually  yours." 

I  replied : 

"No  more  mine  than  that  of  all  the  others.  It 
is  for  me  only  a  question  of  principle ;  I  ask  only 
that  he  who  has  the  right  to  remain  in  Naples 
shall  remain  in  Naples,  and  nothing  more.  And 
this  all  the  others  must  wish  as  much  as  I.  You 
need  only  to  observe  these  principles,  and  you 
will  find  me  ready  to  agree  in  everything.  I  will 
tell  you  frankly  and  freely  what  I  can  give  and 
what  I  will  never  give.  I  can  understand  that 
the  King  of  Saxony  in  his  present  situation  may 
be  forced  to  make  sacrifices ;  I  take  it  for  granted 
that  he  is  ready  to  do  so,  because  he  is  reason- 
able: but  I  will  never  agree  if  he  is  to  be  robbed 
of  all  his  states  and  if  the  kingdom  of  Saxony 
is  to  be  given  to  Prussia.  I  also  will  never  agree 
that  Luxemburg  and  Mayence  shall  be  given  to 
Prussia.  I  also  will  not  allow  Russia  to  expand 
beyond  the  Vistula,  to  have  forty-four  million 
subjects  in  Europe,  and  to  place  its  boundaries 
on  the  Oder.  If,  however,  Luxemburg  is  given 
to  Holland,  and  Mayence  to  Bavaria,  if  the 
Kingdom  of  Saxony  remains  intact  and  the  king 
in  office,  and  if  Russia  does  not  expand  beyond 
the  Vistula,  then  I  will  have  no  more  objections 
to  make  regarding  this  part  of  Europe." 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND     293 

M.  von  Metternich  thereupon  seized  my  hand 
and  said: 

"We  are  not  so  far  apart  as  you  think.  I 
promise  you  that  Prussia  shall  have  neither 
Luxemburg  nor  Mayence,  nor  do  we  wish  Russia 
to  be  overwhelmingly  enlarged;  and  as  for  Sax- 
ony, we  will  do  everything  we  can  to  keep  at 
least  a  part  of  it  intact." 

Metternich  then  begged  Talleyrand  not  to  bring  up 
the  question  of  admittance  to  the  Congress,  so  as  to 
give  Murat  no  ground  for  an  outbreak.  Talleyrand 
agreed  to  this. 

At  the  conference  that  followed,  Talleyrand  declared 
that  he  would  support  Metternich  on  the  condition  that 
the  following  sentence  be  added  to  the  document  an- 
nouncing that  the  formal  opening  of  the  Congress  would 
be  postponed  to  November  1 :  "The  opening  will  take 
place  in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  public  right." 

At  these  words  there  arose  a  tumult  difficult 
to  imagine.  M.  von  Hardenberg  rose  at  the 
table,  leaned  upon  its  surface,  and,  chopping  off 
his  words,  yelled  in  a  loud  and  threatening  voice 
such  as  is  usually  found  among  men  who  have 
defects  such  as  his: 

"No,  sir.  The  public  right?  That  is  unneces- 
sary. Why  declare  that  we  will  act  according 
to  the  public  right  ?  That  is  understood  without 
a  word." 


294    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

I  replied  to  him : 

"If  it  is  understood  without  a  word,  it  would 
be  much  better  understood  if  the  word  were 
spoken." 

M.  von  Humboldt  cried : 

"What  have  we  to  do  with  the  public  right?" 

I  replied: 

"The  fact  that  you  sit  here  shows  what  influ- 
ence it  has  had." 

Lord  Castlereagh  took  me  aside  and  asked 
whether  I  would  show  myself  more  conciliatory 
if  my  wishes  on  this  point  were  followed.  I 
asked  him,  on  my  part,  what  I  might  hope  for 
from  him  in  the  Neapolitan  question  if  I  showed 
myself  more  ready  to  cooperate ;  he  promised  to 
support  me  with  all  his  influence. 

"I  will  talk  with  Metternich  about  it,"  he  said ; 
"I  have  the  right  to  a  decided  view  on  this  ques- 
tion." 

"You  give  me  your  word  of  honor?"  I  asked, 
and  he  replied: 

"I  give  it  to  you." 

"And  I,"  I  added  on  my  part,  "give  you  my 
word  of  honor  that  I  will  be  unyielding  only  in 
those  principles  which  I  dare  not  jeopardize." 

In  the  meantime  M.  von  Gentz  had  neared 
Prince  Metternich  and  made  representations  that 
he  could  not  refuse  to  mention  the  public  right 
in  a  document  such  as  the  one  under  discussion. 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND     295 

The  amendment  that  I  asked  for  was  finally 
agreed  to,  and  then  there  resulted  a  no  less  lively 
discussion  about  the  place  where  this  was  to  be 
inserted.  It  was  finally  agreed  to  put  it  in  a 
sentence  preceding  the  one  that  I  had  suggested. 

M.  von  Gentz  could  not  refrain  from  saying  in 
the  conference: 

"The  story  of  this  evening,  gentlemen,  belongs 
to  the  history  of  the  Congress.  It  is  not  for  me 
to  tell  it,  for  my  duty  forbids,  but  the  story  surely 
will  be  repeated." 

He  said  to  me  later  on  that  he  had  never  ex- 
perienced anything  like  it.  I  therefore  consider 
it  fortunate  that  without  giving  way  on  any  of 
our  principles  I  have  been  able  to  do  something 
which  may  be  regarded  as  leading  to  the  opening 
of  the  Congress. 

On  October  12,  Talleyrand  wrote  to  the  ministry 
of  foreign  affairs :  "It  is  said  that  we  have  won  a  victory 
by  obtaining  the  addition  of  the  words  'public  right.' 
This  view  gives  you  a  measure  by  which  to  judge  the 
spirit  which  moves  the  Congress." 

The  minister  of  war,  Dupont,  wrote  to  Talleyrand 
on  October  8,  1814,  as  follows: 

"The  resident  on  the  island  of  Elba  frequently  re- 
ceives couriers  from  Naples  and  other  places.  He  often 
rises  during  the  night,  writes  despatches,  and  seems 
very  much  occupied,  although  in  a  studied  manner  he 


296    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

speaks  of  his  rest  and  his  aloofness  from  business.  It 
is  really  highly  important  that  he  should  be  removed 
from  Italy  by  united  action  of  the  powers.  It  is  cer- 
tain that  there  will  not  be  war;  but  should  another 
again  break  out,  Napoleon  without  doubt  will  bring 
together  a  number  of  Italian  and  even  French  deserters 
and  disturb  the  peace  of  the  continent  at  various 
places." 

VIENNA,  October  13,  1814. 

The  determination  to  remove  Bonaparte  from 
Elba  seems  fairly  well  defined.  Up  to  this  time, 
however,  no  one  has  a  clear  idea  of  \vhither  he 
can  be  taken.  I  have  proposed  one  of  the 
Azores,  which  are  five  hundred  leagues  from  the 
continent.  Lord  Castlereagh  seems  to  believe 
that  the  Portuguese  would  favor  this  new  ar- 
rangement; in  this,  however,  the  question  of 
money  will  again  play  a  part.  The  son  of  Bona- 
parte is  no  longer  treated  as  he  was  at  first  upon 
his  arrival  in  Vienna.  There  are  fewer  formali- 
ties, and  everything  is  done  more  simply. 

Czar  Alexander  said  a  few  days  ago,  "Talley- 
rand is  here  acting  as  minister  of  Louis  XIV," 
and  Humboldt  told  the  Saxon  delegate  Schulen- 
burg,  in  order  to  win  him  over  or  to  intimidate 
him:  "The  French  plenipotentiary  appears  here 
with  noble  words ;  but  they  either  hide  something 
or  there  is  nothing  behind  them.  Woe  to  the 
man  who  depends  on  them!" 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND    297 

In  order  to  stop  such  remarks  and  to  make  an 
end  of  all  irresolution,  your  Majesty  should  issue 
a  declaration  to  your  people  announcing  the  basic 
principles  which  you  have  ordered  us  to  adhere 
to,  as  well  as  your  firm  determination  never  to 
depart  from  them;  at  the  same  time  you  should 
make  it  understood  that  the  just  cause  will  not 
remain  without  support. 

VIENNA,  October  17,  1814. 
SIRE: 

The  ferment  of  revolution  is  scattered  all  over 
Germany.  Jacobinism  prevails  there,  not  as  it 
did  with  us  in  France  twenty-five  years  ago,— 
in  the  middle  and  lower  classes, — but  among  the 
highest  and  richest  of  the  nobility,  a  difference 
which  makes  it  impossible  to  judge  the  progress 
of  a  revolution  breaking  out  in  Germany  by  the 
progress  of  our  own.  Those  who  have  stepped 
down  from  dynastic  rank  to  the  position  of  sub- 
jects by  the  dissolution  of  both  the  empire  and 
the  confederation  of  the  Rhine  suffer  with  im- 
patience the  rule  of  mer  who,  in  reality  or  in  their 
eyes,  were  once  their  equals.  They  would  like 
to  destroy  an  order  which  hurts  their  pride  and 
substitute  a  single  power  for  all  the  governments 
of  this  land.  In  agreement  with  them  are  the 
men  of  the  universities,  the  youths  who  are  filled 
with  theories,  and  those  who  blame  the  fact  that 


298    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Germany  was  made  up  of  many  small  states  for 
the  suffering  which  came  upon  the  land  through 
the  many  wars  of  which  it  was  the  theater. 
Unity  of  the  German  fatherland  is  their  cry,  their 
faith,  and  their  religion,  reaching  to  a  point  of 
fanaticism,  and  this  fanaticism  has  even  affected 
some  of  the  princes  who  are  now  ruling.  This 
unity,  however,  from  which  France  need  fear 
nothing  if  it  possess  Belgium  and  the  left  bank 
of  the  Rhine,  would  have  most  regretful  conse- 
quences for  us  now.  In  addition  to  this,  who 
can  foresee  the  results  of  the  upheaval  of  a  mass 
like  Germany  if  the  elements  now  divided 
should  begin  to  move  and  coalesce?  Who  can 
tell  where  the  impulse,  once  begun,  will  stop  ? 

I  cannot  believe  that  Russia  and  Prussia  are 
willing  to  allow  war  to  come  between  Austria, 
France,  Sardinia,  Bavaria,  and  a  great  part  of 
Germany ;  yet  if  they  wished  to  take  a  chance  of 
this  kind,  they  would  not  be  held  back  by  Austria 
in  the  event,  which  is  not  the  case,  that  Austria 
would  take  up  the  fight  alone. 

For  Austria,  therefore,  if  it  should  see  itself 
robbed  of  our  help,  there  remains  no  other  rem- 
edy except  an  indefinite  prolongation  or  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Congress.  That  would  mean  opening 
the  gates  to  revolution  or  giving  consent  to  things 
which  your  Majesty  has  determined  never  to 
indorse. 


299 

The  committee  composed  of  delegates  from 
Austria,  Prussia,  Bavaria,  Wiirtemberg,  and 
Hanover  is  working  on  a  constitution  for  Ger- 
many; they  have  already  held  one  conference. 
In  view  of  the  clash  of  interests  and  the  personal 
characters  involved,  it  is  doubtful  if  they  will 
reach  an  understanding. 

VIENNA,  October  19,  1814. 
SIRE: 

The  four  courts  have  not  ceased  to  be  allies  in 
the  sense  that  the  feelings  with  which  they  con- 
ducted the  war  have  lasted  beyond  it,  and  the 
spirit  with  which  they  fought  governs  them  also 
in  the  regulation  of  European  affairs. 

It  was  their  intention  to  regulate  these  affairs 
alone.  Then  they  recognized  that  the  legality  of 
a  new  order  of  things  could  be  obtained  only  by 
the  obvious  sanction  of  all.  For  that  reason 
the  Congress  was  called  together.  The  powrers 
would  gladly  have  eliminated  France  from  it, 
but  they  were  not  able  to  do  so  after  the  fortunate 
change  which  took  place  there,  even  though  this 
change  was  distasteful  to  them.  Thereupon  they 
flattered  themselves  that  France  would  be  too 
long  and  too  exclusively  occupied  by  its  internal 
embarassments  to  do  more  than  take  part  in  the 
Congress  as  a  matter  of  form,  and  when  they  saw 
us  appear  with  principles  which  they  could  not 


300    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

oppose  and  did  not  wish  to  indorse,  they  decided 
virtually  to  keep  us  at  arm's  length  without 
formally  excluding  us.  At  the  same  time  they 
planned  to  concentrate  everything  in  their  hands 
in  order  to  proceed  without  hindrance  in  the  exe- 
cution of  their  plans. 

This  plan  at  bottom  is  only  England's  plan. 
England  is  the  soul  of  all ;  its  lack  of  enthusiasm 
for  the  principles  should  not  surprise  any  one: 
its  interests  are  its  principles.  Its  goal  is  simple ; 
it  wishes  to  maintain  its  preponderance  at  sea 
and  to  hold  the  commerce  of  the  world  by  this 
preponderance.  For  this  reason  French  sea- 
power  must  never  be  allowed  to  become  danger- 
ous to  it,  whether  alone  or  united  with  others. 
England  has  already  taken  pains  to  separate 
France  from  the  other  sea-powers  by  means  of 
obligations  which  it  caused  them  to  agree  to,  and 
as  it  arranged  for  the  renewal  of  the  family  pact 
as  a  result  of  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbon 
house,  it  also  hastened  to  close  the  treaty  of  the 
fifth  of  July  with  Spain,  which  says  that  this 
pact  can  never  be  renewed.  It  remains  only  for 
England  to  place  France  in  such  a  position  as  a 
continental  power  that  only  a  small  part  of  its 
resources  can  be  used  for  its  sea-power.  To  ac- 
complish this  England  wishes  to  bind  Austria 
and  Prussia  close  together,  to  make  this  as  strong 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND     301 

a  bond  as  possible,  and  to  set  them  as  rivals  oppo- 
site France.  Because  of  this  plan,  Stewart  has 
been  made  English  ambassador  in  Vienna.  He 
is  entirely  favorable  to  Prussia,  and  was  chosen 
exactly  for  that  reason.  In  the  same  manner  a 
man  who  leans  toward  Austria  will  be  picked  out 
for  the  post  in  Berlin.  Nothing,  however,  would 
be  more  advantageous  to  the  plans  for  strength- 
ening Prussia  than  the  gift  of  Saxony.  There- 
fore England  wants  this  country  sacrificed  and 
delivered  to  Prussia.  The  delivery  of  this  coun- 
try to  Prussia  would  be  regarded  even  by  the 
members  of  the  cabinet  in  Austria  as  a  misfor- 
tune for  the  Austrian  monarchy,  and  in  Germany 
it  would  be  looked  upon  as  a  calamity. 

The  King  of  Bavaria  yesterday  ordered  his 
delegate  to  take  new  steps  on  behalf  of  Saxony. 
He  said,  "This  plan  is  pure  injustice;  it  robs  me 
of  all  my  composure." 

KING  LOUIS  XVIII  OF  FRANCE  TO  TALLEYRAND 

PARIS,  October  21,  1814. 

I  will  have  Jaucourt  write  the  letter  that  you 
ask  for  immediately;  but  between  us  I  will  go 
beyond  the  obligations  of  April  11  if  the  excel- 
lent idea  of  the  Azores  is  realized.  I  would  be 
greatly  pleased  if  Piacenza,  Guastalla  were  re- 
turned to  the  young  prince  of  Parma.  This  is 


302    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

his  heritage;  Tuscany  was  a  possession  unjustly 
acquired. 

The  king  refers  to  Talleyrand's  idea  of  moving 
Napoleon  from  Elba  to  the  Azores.  Apropos  the  ac- 
tivities on  Elba,  Jaucourt  wrote  to  Talleyrand  on 
September  27: 

"The  minister  of  war  remains  emphatically  of  the 
opinion  that  the  island  [of  Elba]  has  a  garrison  of 
from  3600  to  4000  men.  We  have  here  detailed  state- 
ments according  to  which  there  are  only  from  600  to 
800  men  of  the  guard,  and  at  the  most  the  same  num- 
ber of  men  who  have  come  together  from  Corsica  and 
elsewhere.  At  least  the  reports  of  Count  Dupont  are 
based  on  the  statement  of  an  officer  who  was  personally 
in  that  country." 

Talleyrand  wrote  to  Jaucourt  on  October  12: 

"M.  Mariotti,  consul  in  Livorno,  has  done  well  in 
refusing  to  give  passports  to  the  island  of  Elba  to 
tradesmen.  In  general  he  should  be  very  careful  with 
this  sort  of  passport." 

VIENNA,  October  25,  1815. 

Four  days  ago  Prince  Adam  Czartoryski,  who 
thinks  Poland  is  the  whole  world,  called  on  me. 
He  excused  himself  for  not  having  looked  me  up 
earlier.  He  confessed  that  he  had  been"  deterred 
mainly  because  he  had  been  told  that  I  was  un- 
favorably disposed  toward  the  Polish  question. 

"I  am  more  favorable  to  it  than  all  the  others 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND     303 

are,"  I  remarked.  "We  want  a  complete  and 
independent  Poland." 

"That  would  be  very  pretty,"  he  replied;  "but 
it  is  a  chimera,  for  the  powers  will  never  agree 
to  it." 

"In  that  case  Poland  is  no  longer  our  most  im- 
portant affair  in  the  north,"  I  replied.  "The  in- 
tegrity of  Saxony  comes  clocer  to  us;  this  ques- 
tion is  of  primary  importance  to  us,  that  of 
Poland  only  secondary.  If  Austria  and  Prussia 
are  agreed  on  the  subject  of  their  boundaries, 
we  have  no  objection  to  the  Czar  of  Russia  giv- 
ing any  form  of  government  he  wishes  to  the 
country  which  has  been  relinquished  to  him;  for 
this  favor  on  our  part  I  demand  the  preservation 
of  the  Kingdom  of  Saxony."  This  suggestion 
so  pleased  the  Prince  Czartoryski  that  he  left  me 
immediately  for  the  czar,  with  whom  he  had  an 
interview  lasting  three  hours. 

On  the  following  day  Count  Nesselrode  came  to 
Talleyrand  to  announce  that  the  Czar  of  Russia  wished 
to  receive  him.  The  czar  showed  a  certain  embarrass- 
ment upon  his  arrival.  Talleyrand's  letter  to  his  king 
describes  the  interview  as  follows : 

"In  Paris  you  favored  a  Kingdom  of  Poland," 
said  the  czar  to  me.  "Why  have  you  changed 
your  view?" 


304    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

"My  view,  Sire,  is  still  the  same:  in  Paris  it 
was  a  question  of  the  restoration  of  all  of  Poland. 
Then,  as  now,  I  favored  the  independence  of 
Poland.  Now,  however,  it  is  something  entirely 
different;  the  question  is  superseded  by  that  of 
the  determination  of  the  boundaries  by  which 
Austria  and  Prussia  shall  find  security." 

"These  states  do  not  need  to  become  restive. 
Besides,  I  have  two  hundred  thousand  men  in  the 
Duchy  of  Warsaw;  let  any  one  try  to  chase  me 
out!  I  have  given  Saxony  to  the  Prussians; 
Austria  agrees  to  it." 

"I  do  not  know  whether  or  not  Austria  agrees 
to  it,"  I  replied.  "It  is  hard  for  me  to  believe, 
as  it  is  so  contrary  to  Austria's  interests.  How- 
ever, can  the  consent  of  Austria  make  Prussia 
the  owner  of  the  possessions  of  the  King  of 
Saxony?" 

"If  the  King  of  Saxony  does  not  abdicate,  he 
will  be  taken  to  Russia  and  will  die  there.  One 
other  king  has  already  died  there."  l 

"Your  Majesty  will  permit  me  to  doubt  that; 
the  Congress  has  not  assembled  to  witness  such 
a  crime." 

"A  crime  in  what  manner?  Did  not  Stanis- 
laus go  to  Russia?  And  why  shall  the  King  of 
Saxony  not  go  there  also?  It  is  the  same  case 

1  Alexander  referred  to  Stanislaus  August  Poniatowski,  king  of 
Poland,  who  was  forced  to  abdicate  in  1795,  and  who  died  in  1798 
in  St.  Petersburg. 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND    305 

with  <both.  So  far  as  I  am  concerned  there  is 
no  difference." 

My  answers  came  so  fast  that  they  almost 
choked  me.  I  confess,  your  Majesty,  that  I 
could  hardly  control  my  indignation.  The  czar 
spoke  rapidly.  One  of  his  remarks  was: 

"I  believed  that  France  was  indebted  to  me 
somewhat.  You  speak  always  of  your  princi- 
ples. Your  public  right  does  not  exist  for  me. 
I  do  not  know  what  it  is.  What  value  shall  I 
place  upon  your  parchments  and  treaties?"  (I 
had  reminded  him  of  the  treaty  in  which  the  allies 
had  agreed  upon  the  division  of  the  grand  Duchy 
of  Warsaw  among  the  three  courts.)  "There  is 
one  thing  wrhich  for  me  stands  above  everything 
else,  my  word  as  czar.  I  have  given  it,  and  I 
shall  keep  it.  The  King  of  Prussia  demanded 
Saxony  at  the  moment  when  we  again  allied  our- 
selves." [In  February,  1813,  at  the  conference 
which  led  to  the  alliance  of  Breslau-Kalisch.] 

"Your  Majesty  has  promised  the  King  of 
Prussia  from  nine  million  to  ten  million  souls; 
you  can  deliver  them  to  him  without  destroying 
Saxony."  I  had  with  me  a  memorandum  which 
showed  the  lands  that  could  be  given  to  Prussia 
and  which,  without  the  obliteration  of  Saxony, 
would  give  Prussia  the  number  of  subjects 
promised  to  that  state  by  treaty.  The  czar  took 
this  and  kept  it. 


306    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

"The  King  of  Saxony  is  a  traitor." 

"Sire,  the  designation  'traitor'  can  never  be 
applied  to  a  king;  it  is  important  that  it  should 
never  be  applied  to  a  king."  It  is  probable  that 
I  placed  a  little  more  stress  upon  the  latter  part 
of  my  remark.  After  a  moment  of  silence  the 
czar  said: 

"The  King  of  Prussia  will  become  King  of 
Prussia  and  Saxony,  just  as  I  shall  become  Czar 
of  Russia  and  King  of  Poland.  The  favors  that 
France  accords  me  in  this  case  will  be  a  measure 
for  the  favors  that  I  shall  show  France  in  every- 
thing in  which  it  has  an  interest." 

In  the  course  of  this  interview  the  czar  did  not 
permit  himself  to  be  overcome  by  passion  as  at 
our  first;  he  was  calm  and  determined,  but  be- 
trayed suppressed  resentment. 

I  saw  Prince  Metternich  to-night.  He  has 
again  taken  courage;  I  have  talked  as  energet- 
ically to  him  as  I  could.  The  Austrian  generals, 
a  great  number  of  whom  I  have  spoken  with,  all 
declare  themselves  for  the  preservation  of  Sax- 
ony. They  bring  up  military  considerations, 
which  are  beginning  to  make  an  impression. 

VIENNA,  October  31, 1814. 
On  the  morning  of  the  day  that  Czar  Alex- 
ander departed  for  Hungary  he  had  an  interview 
with  Metternich,  during  which,  as  is  told  with 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND    307 

great  certainty,  he  treated  this  minister  in  such 
a  high-handed  manner  and  used  such  strong  ex- 
pressions toward  him  as  he  would  never  have 
thought  of  using  toward  one  of  his  servants. 
When  Metternich  remarked  regarding  Poland 
that  if  a  Poland  was  to  be  created,  Austria  could 
do  so,  the  czar  characterized  this  remark  not  only 
as  out  of  place,  but  even  allowed  himself  to  ex- 
claim that  Metternich  was  the  only  person  in 
Austria  who  could  adopt  such  a  rebellious  tone. 
The  matter  at  length  is  supposed  to  have  gone 
so  far  that  Metternich  declared  to  the  czar  that 
he  would  ask  his  master  to  name  another  ambas- 
sador to  the  Congress  in  his  place. 

When  Metternich  returned  from  this  interview 
he  was  in  a  temper  such  as  his  intimates  had  never 
before  witnessed.  He  who  had  said  only  a  few 
days  before  to  Count  Schulenburg  that  he  "in- 
trenched himself  behind  time"  and  "made  pa- 
tience his  weapon"  might  have  lost  the  latter  very 
easily  had  it  been  put  to  a  similar  test  more  fre- 
quently. 

It  is  said  that  Czar  Alexander  complained 
about  Metternich  on  the  trip  [presumably  the 
trip  of  the  sovereigns  to  Budapest],  and  that 
Emperor  Francis  thereupon  replied  that  he  con- 
sidered it  better  to  let  these  transactions  be  taken 
care  of  by  the  ministers,  for  the  reason  that  they 
would  be  carried  out  with  greater  freedom  and 


308    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

more  in  relation  to  one  another;  that  he  did  not 
act  on  his  affairs  in  person,  but  that  his  ministers 
acted  entirely  according  to  his  directions.  In 
the  course  of  the  conversation  he  is  said  to  have 
remarked,  among  other  things,  that  when  his 
subjects,  who  had  never  deserted  him,  who  had 
done  everything  for  him  and  sacrificed  every- 
thing in  his  behalf,  were  as  restless  as  at  present, 
he  considered  it  his  duty  to  do  everything  that 
might  help  to  calm  them.  Upon  Czar  Alexan- 
der's question  whether  his  character  and  his  in- 
tegrity did  not  serve  to  prevent  and  remove  all 
anxieties,  Emperor  Francis  is  said  to  have  an- 
swered that  good  boundaries  were  the  best  guar- 
anties of  peace.  This  interview  was  described 
to  me  in  almost  the  same  words  by  Count  Sick- 
ingen  and  Metternich.  It  seems  as  if  the  em- 
peror, who  is  not  used  to  acting  with  decision, 
was  greatly  pleased  with  himself  upon  his  return. 
All  the  precautions  that  were  taken  to  keep 
me  in  ignorance  regarding  the  negotiations  of 
the  committee  on  the  political  organization  of 
Germany  have  been  unsuccessful.  In  the  first 
session  Prussia  introduced  the  proposal  that  all 
princes  whose  various  states  belonged  to  the  con- 
federation should  relinquish  the  right  of  carrying 
on  war  and  signing  peace  on  their  own  initiative, 
as  well  as  the  right  of  sending  embassies.  When 
Marshal  Wrede  [of  Bavaria]  turned  down  this 


proposal,  Humboklt  cried  out  that  here  one  saw 
that  Bavaria  was  still  allied  with  France  at  heart; 
that  this,  however,  was  for  them  only  another 
reason  for  irisisting  upon  the  acceptance  of  the 
resolution.  When,  however,  the  marshal,  hav- 
ing in  the  meantime  received  the  command  of  his 
king,  rejected  the  proposal  decisively  in  the  sec- 
ond session,  it  was  finally  withdrawn  and  re- 
placed by  another,  according  to  which  the  whole 
war  power  of  the  confederation  was  to  be  divided, 
and  one  half  placed  under  the  leadership  of  Aus- 
tria, and  the  other  half  under  that  of  Prussia. 
The  King  of  Bavaria  recognized  that  Prussia  by 
this  union  intended  to  insure  its  possession  of 
Saxony  against  the  opposition  of  those  powers 
who  want  the  kingdom  to  continue  in  existence; 
he  knows  also  that  he  must  fear  for  himself  as 
soon  as  Saxony  is  sacrificed,  and  for  this  reason 
he  is  ready  to  defend  it.  In  the  event  that  he 
should  be  thrown  upon  his  own  resources,  he  has 
ordered  20,000  recruits  to  be  called  to  the  colors 
in  his  own  country,  by  means  of  which  his  army 
will  reach  a  strength  of  70,000  men. 

The  Prussians  do  not  know  of  this  plan  of  the 
king,  but  nevertheless  they  are  informed  of  the 
mobilization. 

As  we,  the  duke  of  Dalberg  and  I,  owed  Lord 
Castlereagh  a  visit,  we  jointly  presented  him  last 
evening  with  the  resolution  for  the  first  assem- 


bling  of  the  plenipotentiaries.  He  found  nothing 
to  criticize,  but  remarked  that  the  anxiety  with 
which  the  Prussians  regarded  us  would  lead  one 
to  think  that  they  had  a  hidden  motive.  The 
real  or  apparent  anxieties  of  the  Prussians  natu- 
rally led  the  conversation  to  the  eternal  Polish 
and  Saxon  questions.  He  had  several  maps 
lying  upon  his  table,  and  on  these  I  pointed  out 
to  him  that  if  Saxony  and  Silesia  were  in  the 
hands  of  one  power,  Bohemia  could  be  taken  in 
a  few  weeks,  and  that  with  Bohemia  once  taken, 
the  heart  of  the  Austrian  monarchy  lay  open  and 
without  defense.  He  seemed  astonished ;  he  had 
talked  with  us  as  if  he  based  all  his  hopes  on 
Prussia,  because  it  was  not  possible  to  expect 
anything  more  from  Austria.  He  appeared 
greatly  surprised  when  we  told  him  that  Austria 
lacked  only  money  to  bring  its  troops  together. 
It  would  then  have  most  unusual  fighting 
strength,  and  at  this  time  £1,000,000  sterling 
would  be  sufficient.  This  quickened  his  courage, 
and  he  seemed  inclined  to  see  the  Polish  question 
through. 

He  had  received  news  that  the  Serbs  had  again 
taken  up  arms,  and  informed  us  that  a  Russian 
army  under  the  command  of  one  of  the  foremost 
generals  of  Russia  was  approaching  the  Turkish 
border.  Nothing,  therefore,  seemed  to  him  more 
necessary  and  urgent  than  to  limit  the  ambition 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND    311 

of  Russia.  However,  he  wished  that  this  might 
be  done  without  war,  or,  if  war  was  unavoid- 
able, that  it  might  be  carried  on  without  the  help 
of  France.  From  his  manner  of  estimating  our 
power  I  could  see  that  he  fears  France  the  most. 
"You  have,"  said  he,  "25,000,000  inhabitants;  we 
value  them  as  if  they  were  40,000,000." 

Once  the  exclamation  escaped  him: 

"Oh,  if  only  you  had  no  more  designs  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Rhine !"  It  was  not  difficult  for 
me  to  prove  to  him  by  the  situation  of  France 
and  by  the  general  readiness  for  war  in  Europe 
that  ambitious  designs  could  not  be  attributed 
to  France  without  at  the  same  time  considering 
it  insane. 

"That  may  be,"  he  replied,  "but  a  French  army 
which  marched  through  Germany,  no  matter  on 
what  errand,  would  make  too  great  an  impression 
and  awaken  too  many  memories." 

After  the  conference  Metternich  invited  me  to 
come  to  his  workroom,  and  informed  me  that  he 
and  Lord  Castlereagh  were  determined  not  to 
permit  Russia  to  cross  the  line  of  the  Vistula ;  he 
added  that  they  were  engaged  in  trying  to  con- 
vince Prussia  to  proceed  jointly  with  them  in 
this  matter;  thought  they  might  hope  for  suc- 
cess, and  pleaded  that  I  might  give  them  the 
necessary  time  and  not  hurry  them.  I  now 
asked  on  what  conditions  they  flattered  them- 


312    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

selves  they  would  obtain  Prussia's  cooperation. 
He  replied  that  they  wished  to  promise  Prussia 
a  part  of  Saxony;  namely,  400,000  to  500,000 
souls  and  especially  the  fortress  and  the  environs 
of  Wittenberg,  which  were  necessary  for  the  pro- 
tection of  Berlin.  In  this  manner  the  Kingdom 
of  Saxony  would  retain  about  1,600,000  souls  as 
well  as  Torgau,  Konigstein,  and  the  course  of  the 
Elbe  from  the  Wittenberg  district  to  Bohemia. 

I  have  discovered  that  a  state  council  has  been 
held  under  the  chairmanship  of  the  emperor  [of 
Austria],  and  that  Prince  Schwartzenberg  and 
Metternich,  as  well  as  Count  Zichy  and  General 
Duka,  took  part.  They  have  come  to  an  agree- 
ment on  the  basic  principle  that  the  Saxon  ques- 
tion is  of  greater  importance  to  Austria  than 
the  Polish  question.  The  welfare  of  the  mon- 
archy depends  upon  the  passes  of  Thuringia  and 
the  Saal  not  falling  into  the  hands  of  Prussia. 

VIENNA,  November  6,  1814. 
Lord  Castlereagh  remarked  that  the  word  con- 
gress terrified  the  Prussians,  and  that  Prince 
Hardenberg  especially  had  great  fear  of  it. 
Metternich  brought  up  once  more  the  larger  part 
of  the  considerations  which  he  had  presented  to 
us  in  the  latest  conference;  he  considered  it  best 
not  to  call  the  Congress  together  until  we  were  in 
agreement  upon  at  least  all  the  great  questions. 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND     313 

"Among  them,"  he  remarked,  "is  one  that  divided 
us  into  hostile  groups."  He  meant  the  Polish 
question,  but  he  did  not  mention  it  by  name,  and 
passed  quickly  to  the  matters  that  affected  Ger- 
many proper.  "Among  the  persons  who  are 
occupied  with  them  there  is  the  greatest  unanim- 
ity," he  said.  "We  will  also  take  up  the  matters 
relating  to  Switzerland,"  he  added,  "and  these 
are  not  to  be  regulated  without  the  participation 
of  France."  I  replied  that  I  had  no  other  inten- 
tion, and  that  therefore  I  had  already  arranged 
with  M.  von  Dalberg  for  participation  in  the  dis- 
cussions. 

We  then  passed  to  the  Italian  affairs,  and 
Metternich  applied  the  word  "entanglements"  to 
the  affairs  of  Genoa  and  Turin  as  wrell  as  to  those 
of  Naples  and  Sicily,  this  being  a  word  that  Met- 
ternich uses  incessantly  in  order  to  deal  in  gen- 
eralities, which  is  demanded  by  his  weak  political 
methods.  He  wanted  to  prove  that  the  tran- 
quillity of  Italy  as  well  as  that  of  Europe  de- 
pended upon  the  Neapolitan  question  not  being 
regulated  at  the  Congress,  but  rather  put  off  for 
a  later  time. 

"The  force  of  circumstances,"  he  said,  "will 
necessarily  lead  the  house  of  Bourbon  back  to  the 
throne  of  Naples." 

"The  force  of  circumstances,"  I  thereupon  re- 
plied, "is  evident  here  with  all  its  power.  The 


314    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

question  must  be  settled  at  the  Congress.  Tak- 
ing up  the  question  geographically,  this  comes 
as  the  last  of  the  Italian  questions,  and  I  am  in 
accord  with  the  proposal  that  the  geographical 
order  be  adhered  to.  More  than  that  I  cannot 
concede." 

Metternich  then  spoke  of  the  supporters  of 
Murat  in  Italy. 

"Organize  Italy,  and  he  will  no  longer  have 
any.  Make  an  end  to  the  hated  provisional  ad- 
ministration;  determine  the  ownership  of  upper 
and  middle  Italy ;  do  not  let  a  foot  of  land  remain 
under  military  occupation  from  the  Alps  to  the 
Neapolitan  boundary;  place  just  rulers  and  a 
well-ordered  administration  everywhere;  deter- 
mine the  succession  in  Sardinia;  and  name  an 
archduke  to  become  governor  in  the  Milan  re- 
gion ;  recognize  the  rights  of  the  queen  of  Itruria ; 
return  to  the  pope  what  belongs  to  him  and  what 
you  are  holding:  then  Murat  will  no  longer  have 
power  over  the  spirit  of  the  people ;  for  Italy  he 
will  then  be  merely  a  bandit." 

This  geographical  treatment  of  the  Italian 
situation  seemed  to  meet  with  approval. 

King  Victor  Emanuel  I  (1802-21)  and  his  brother 
Carl  Felix  (1821-31)  had  no  children;  the  right  of 
succession  therefore  was  expected  to  pass  to  the  house 
of  Savoy-Carignan.  As  a  matter  of  fact  this  house 
ascended  the  throne  of  Sardinia  in  1831  under  Carl 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND     315 

Albert,  and  is  to-day  the  reigning  house  of  Italy.  Tal- 
leyrand, true  to  his  program,  attempted  to  pave  the 
way  for  the  succesion  of  the  house  of  Savoy-Carignan 
in  order  to  support  his  principle  of  dynastic  rights, 
which  he  called  the  principle  of  legitimacy,  as  well 
as  to  checkmate  the  plans  of  the  house  of  Hapsburg  and 
make  it  impossible  for  it  to  succeed  to  the  legacy  of 
the  house  of  Savoy. 

The  court  of  Vienna  continues  to  show  such 
a  generous  measure  of  hospitality  toward  its 
titled  guests  that  it  must  be  a  burden  in  view  of 
the  state  of  its  finances;  one  sees  everywhere 
nothing  but  emperors  and  kings,  empresses  and 
queens,  hereditary  princes,  ruling  princes,  and 
the  like.  The  court  pays  for  everything;  the 
daily  expenses  are  estimated  at  220,000  paper 
gulden  ($106,700).  At  these  assemblies  royalty 
undoubtedly  loses  something  of  the  greatness 
that  belongs  to  it;  the  presence  of  three  or  four 
kings  and  a  large  number  of  princes  at  the  balls 
and  tea-parties  of  simple  private  folk  of  Vienna 
appears  to  me  most  incongruous.  One  must  go 
to  France  in  order  to  see  royalty  in  its  glory  and 
its  majesty,  by  means  of  which  it  wins  at  the 
same  time  the  esteem  and  the  love  of  the  people. 


316    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

VIENNA,  November  12,  1814. 
SIRE: 

Metternich  and  Lord  Castlereagh  had  argued 
the  Prussian  ministry  into  making  common  cause 
with  them  on  the  Polish  question,  but  their  hope 
of  Prussia's  participation  did  not  last  long. 
The  Czar  of  Russia  a  few  days  ago  invited  the 
King  of  Prussia  to  dinner  at  his  house,  and  there 
had  an  interview  with  him,  details  of  which  have 
become  known  to  me  through  Prince  Adam 
Czartoryski.  The  czar  reminded  the  king  of  the 
friendship  that  united  them  and  of  the  value  that 
he  placed  on  this  friendship  and  of  everything 
that  he  had  done  to  make  this  friendship  eternal. 
They  were  nearly  of  the  same  age,  and  it  pleased 
him  to  think  that  he  would  long  be  a  witness  of 
the  good  fortune  for  which  their  people  could 
thank  their  intimate  union.  He  risked  his  repu- 
tation on  the  restoration  of  a  Polish  kingdom,  and 
now,  when  he  was  so  near  to  the  fulfilment  of  his 
wishes,  was  he  to  feel  the  pain  of  seeing  his  best 
friend  included  among  his  opponents,  the  only 
prince  on  whose  faithful  attitude  he  had  counted  ? 
The  king  fervently  assured  him  of  his  loyalty  and 
swore  that  he  would  support  him  in  the  Polish 
question.  The  czar  replied : 

"It  is  not  enough  that  you  adhere  to  this  de- 
termination. Your  ministers  also  must  act  ac- 
cording to  this  view."  He  then  requested  the 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND    317 

king  to  call  in  Prince  Hardenberg.  In  the  lat- 
ter's  presence  the  czar  again  repeated  his  own 
words  and  the  promise  of  the  king.  Hardenberg 
wished  to  make  objections,  but  as  Czar  Alexan- 
der pressed  the  question  whether  he  did  not  in- 
tend to  obey  the  commands  of  the  king,  and  as 
these  commands  admitted  of  no  contradiction, 
there  remained  nothing  for  him  to  do  but  to 
promise  that  he  would  scrupulously  follow  the 
commands  of  the  king.  This  much  I  have  been 
able  to  learn  about  this  scene.  A  great  deal  more 
of  which  I  know  nothing  must  have  taken  place 
if  it  is  true,  as  Gentz  assures  me,  that  Prince 
Hardenberg  said  that  he  had  never  before  expe- 
rienced anything  like  it. 

This  reversal  of  Prussian  politics  had  disturbed 
the  composure  of  Metternich  and  Lord  Castle- 
reagh  not  a  little.  They  would  gladly  have  seen 
Hardenberg  hand  in  his  resignation,  and  it  is  cer- 
tain that  he  would  have  placed  the  czar  and  the 
king  in  no  small  embarrassment  by  doing  so,  but 
he  does  not  seem  to  have  thought  of  that. 

On  my  part,  I  have  always  had  the  suspicion 
that  Metternich  bought  the  participation  of  Prus- 
sia by  greater  concessions  than  he  cared  to  admit ; 
therefore  I  was  inclined  more  to  the  view  that  the 
desertion  by  Prussia  was  good  fortune. 

In  addition  it  is  related  that  Czar  Alexander 
complained  bitterly  of  Metternich  in  a  conversa- 


318    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

tion  on  the  opposition  of  Austria  to  his  views,  and 
that  he  said,  "Austria  believes  itself  to  be  sure  of 
Italy,  but  there  is  a  Napoleon  there  who  can  be 
made  use  of." 

After  the  conference  I  remained  alone  with 
Metternich.  I  wished  to  learn  how  things  stood 
with  Poland  and  Saxony  and  what  he  planned 
to  do  in  the  one  and  in  the  other  affair.  There- 
fore I  did  not  put  questions  to  him  which  he  might 
have  evaded,  but  began  to  talk  with  him  about 
himself.  In  the  tone  of  an  old  friend  I  remarked 
that  with  all  this  energy  for  business  one  must 
think  also  of  oneself,  and  that  it  seemed  to  me 
that  he  did  not  do  so  sufficiently.  By  this  sort 
of  consideration  for  him  I  gained  a  little  more 
frankness  from  him.  He  read  me  his  note  to 
Prussia  on  the  Saxon  question,  and  by  hearty 
and  spirited  thanks  on  my  part  I  induced  him  to 
intrust  me  with  it.  I  promised  him  to  hold  it 
inviolate.  I  inclose  herewith  a  copy  for  your 
Majesty,  and  beg  that  you  will  please  preserve 
it,  and  allow  me  to  ask  for  it  again  upon  my  re- 
turn. 

Your  Majesty  will  see  by  this  document  that 
Metternich  did  not  promise  Prussia  a  part  of 
Saxony,  as  he  assured  me,  but  the  whole  of  Sax- 
ony; fortunately,  he  had  made  this  promise  de- 
pendent upon  a  condition  (that  Prussia  could 
not  be  indemnified  elsewhere),  by  the  unfulfil- 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND     319 

ment  of  which  it  would  become  void.  In  addi- 
tion your  Majesty  will  see  by  this  note  that  Met- 
ternich  wishes  to  leave  Luxemburg  to  Prussia, 
although  he  assured  me  at  different  times  that 
Prussia  should  not  have  it.  The  same  note  dis- 
closed a  plan  that  had  existed  for  a  long  time,  of 
placing  Germany  under  the  influence  of  Austria 
and  Prussia ;  in  reality,  however,  bringing  it  un- 
der their  unrestricted  and  exclusive  domination. 

Metternich  now  asserts  that  he  will  not  leave 
Saxony  in  the  lurch.  In  the  Polish  question  he 
has  led  me  to  understand  that  he  will  concede 
much;  that  is  to  say,  he  will  concede  everything 
if  Czar  Alexander  does  not  relinquish  anything. 

I  was  still  with  him  when  the  list  of  the  Aus- 
trian Army  was  brought  to  him;  he  allowed  me 
to  look  at  it.  The  present  strength  of  this  army 
reaches  374,000  men,  of  these  52,000  cavalry  and 
800  cannon.  With  such  fighting  powers  he  be- 
lieves that  the  Austrian  monarchy  can  do  noth- 
ing better  than  to  be  patient  and  submissive  in 
everything.  Your  Majesty  should  note  that  this 
number  of  troops  is  the  actual  strength  of  the 
army. 

Extract  from  another  interview  of  Talleyrand  with 
the  Czar  of  Russia. 

The  Czar:  "But  Austria  will  give  up  Sax- 
ony." 


320    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Talleyrand:  "Metternich,  with  whom  I  spoke 
last  evening,  expressed  opinions  which  absolutely 
contradict  what  your  majesty  deigns  to  tell  me." 

The  czar:  "And  as  for  yourself,  it  is  reported 
that  you  agreed  to  surrender  a  part  of  Saxony." 

Talleyrand:  "Only  most  unwillingly.  If  it  is 
actually  necessary  to  give  up  from  300,000  to 
400,000  Saxons  so  that  Prussia  may  again  re- 
ceive the  population  it  had  before  1806,  and 
which  reached  9,200,000  souls,  we  will  make  this 
sacrifice  for  the  sake  of  peace." 

The  czar:  "That  is  exactly  what  the  Saxons 
fear  the  most;  they  are  content  enough  to  be- 
long to  the  King  of  Prussia ;  their  sole  wish  is  not 
to  be  separated." 

Talleyrand:  "We  are  informed  concerning 
what  is  going  on  in  Saxony  and  we  know  that  the 
thought  of  becoming  Prussians  leads  the  Saxons 
to  despair." 

The  czar:  "No,  the  only  thing  that  they  fear 
is  separation,  and  as  a  matter  of  fact  that  is  of 
course  the  greatest  misfortune  that  can  befall  a 
people." 

Talleyrand:  "Sire,  what  if  one  wished  to  ap- 
ply this  basis  for  action  also  to  Poland?" 

The  czar:  "The  division  of  Poland  is  not  my 
work;  it  will  not  be  my  fault,  as  I  have  already 
told  you,  if  a  disaster  is  not  averted.  Perhaps 
some  day  it  will  come  to  that." 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND     321 

Talleyrand:  "The  cession  of  a  part  of  Upper 
and  Lower  Lusatia  would  not  really  be  a  parti- 
tion of  Saxony.  These  lands  were  not  actually 
a  part  of  it  but  until  recently  belonged  to  the 
Bohemian  crown;  they  had  nothing  in  common 
with  Saxony  except  the  ruler." 

VIENNA,  November  17,  1814. 
Metternich  discussed  an  alliance  with  Prince 
Wrede  and  asked  him  whether  Bavaria  would  not 
immediately  allow  25,000  men  to  be  added  to  the 
Austrian  Army.  Prince  Wrede  replied  that 
Bavaria  would  be  ready  to  provide  up  to  75,000 
men  under  the  following  conditions: 

1.  That  an  alliance  be  made  with  France. 

2.  That  Bavaria  should  send  25,000  men  to 
every  100,000  which  Austria  placed  in  the  field, 
and  no  more. 

3.  That  Austria  should  turn  over  to  Bavaria 
a  part  of  the  subsidies  which  it  was  likely  to  re- 
ceive from  England  in  proportion  to  the  relative 
strength  of  the  fighting  forces. 

VIENNA,  November  25,  1814. 
The  Duke  of  Wellington,  who  is  zealously  en- 
gaged in  correspondence  with  Lord  Castlereagh, 
writes  him  of  nothing  but  conspiracies,  secret  dis- 
content, stifled  complaints,  as  the  vanguard  of  a 
coming  storm. 


322    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Czar  Alexander  says  that  his  letters  from 
Paris  predict  unrest.  M.  von  Vincent  on  his  part 
reports  to  his  court  that  a  change  in  ministry  is 
in  prospect,  and  asks  for  verification  of  the  report. 
There  is  a  feeling  that  a  change  in  ministry  were 
the  certain  sign  of  an  upheaval  in  internal  and 
foreign  politics,  and  there  is  an  inclination  to  con- 
clude that  France  cannot  be  depended  upon  and 
that  it  should  not  be  included  in  any  agreement. 

I  had  received  a  letter  from  Italy  in  which  I 
was  informed  that  Murat  had  an  army  of  from 
60,000  to  70,000  men,  of  which  the  greater  part 
was  armed,  thanks  to  the  Austrians,  who  had  sold 
him  25,000  rifles.  I  wanted  to  have  a  discussion 
with  Metternich  on  this  subject,  or  at  least  prove 
to  him  that  I  knew  this  fact.  I  therefore  led  the 
conversation  to  the  Neapolitan  question.  As  we 
were  in  his  salon  amid  a  large  assembly  I  sug- 
gested that  I  follow  him  to  his  office  in  order  to 
show  him  my  letter.  He  replied  that  the  mat- 
ter was  not  urgent.  I  then  asked  him  if,  then, 
he  had  come  to  a  decision.  He  replied  yes, 
but  that  he  did  not  wish  to  set  everything  afire 
at  once;  and  as  he  usually  was  apprehensive  that 
Murat  wrould  cause  an  uprising  in  Italy,  I  asked 
him: 

"If  you  fear  him,  why  do  you  deliver  weapons 
to  him?  Why  have  you  sold  him  25,000  rifles?" 

He  denied  the  fact,  as  I  expected  him  to  do, 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND     323 

but  I  did  not  give  him  the  satisfaction  of  letting 
him  think  that  his  denials  had  convinced  me. 
After  I  left  him  he  attended  the  masked  ball, 
for  he  passes  three  fourths  of  the  day  at  balls 
and  festivities. 

The  French  delegate.  De  la  Tour  du  Pin,  wrote  his 
ministry  as  follows  on  December  7: 

"The  public  generally  is  dissatisfied  with  the  situa- 
tion ;  the  Czar  of  Russia  is  principally  blamed  for  this, 
and  he  loses  standing  in  public  opinion  daily.  It  is 
not  that  he  does  not  show  himself  unusually  gracious 
and  accessible  in  society;  he  seems  to  want  to  mingle 
with  it  without  being  singled  out.  He  will  sit  down  to 
dine  at  a  table  laid  for  twenty  guests,  at  a  little  ball 
of  forty  persons  he  dances  with  virtually  all  the  women ; 
but  these  manners  do  not  obliterate  in  the  eyes  of  in- 
telligent Austrians  the  injustice  that  is  bound  up  with 
his  ambition;  and  this  injustice  is  increased  because 
he  is  pondering  on  means  to  injure  his  host  even  when 
he  is  in  his  place.  Another  minister  than  Metternich 
would  profit  immeasurably  by  this  feeling,  but  what 
can  one  expect  of  a  man  who,  while  placed  in  the  most 
serious  situation  in  which  a  man  can  find  himself,  puts 
in  the  greater  part  of  his  time  with  trivial  affairs  and 
who  does  not  shrink  from  inaugurating  a  rehearsal  of 
"The  Pasha  of  Surene"  at  his  quarters,  a  man  who  can 
be  said  to  have  wasted  a  good  number  of  days  at  the 
opening  of  the  Congress  in  the  same  useless  manner? 
Therefore  you  will  not  be  astonished  further  at  the 
meager  progress  that  is  being  made  here." 


A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

VIENNA,  November  30,  1814. 
The  25,000  guns  that  were  sold  to  Murat  have 
been  detained  at  Venice.  Murat  does  not  appear 
to  feel  secure  despite  the  protection  of  Metter- 
nich,  as  a  short  time  ago  he  wrote  a  long  letter  to 
the  Archduchess  Marie  Louise  [Napoleon's  con- 
sort and  former  empress  of  the  French]  in  which, 
among  other  things,  he  declares  that  if  Austria 
will  help  him,  he  will  restore  her  to  the  rank  from 
which  she  should  never  have  descended.  This 
sort  of  dare-deviltry  in  a  man  of  his  nationality 
and  character  can  be  described  only  as  the  result 
of  fear,  which  betrays  itself. 

VIENNA,  December  7,  1814. 
I  have  the  honor  of  forwarding  to  your  Majes- 
ty a  letter  from  your  consul  in  Livorno  [Leg- 
horn]. 

The   consul   Mariotti   wrote   to   Talleyrand,   under 
date  of  November  15,  1814,  as  follows: 

Most  gracious  sir: 

I  believe  it  necessary  for  me  to  inform  your 
princely  Highness  that  the  number  of  travelers  coming 
from  and  going  to  Elba  is  most  significant,  and  that 
they  have  all  made  the  same  remarks  to  persons  of  my 
acquaintance.  They  are  all  Italians,  Piedmontese,  or 
Swiss.  They  all  say  that  Bonaparte  will  not  remain 
exiled  in  Elba,  that  he  will  leave  it,  and  that  as  soon 
as  he  appears  at  the  head  of  his  guard  in  Italy  more 


MASTER  CRAFTSMAN  EXPOSES  HAND      325 

than  50,000  men  who  are  now  ready  will  rise  and 
gather  about  his  standard,  and  that  thousands  of 
French  soldiers  will  join  them.  Two  of  them,  among 
others,  have  been  especially  pointed  out ;  they  are  a 
certain  Eltovi  and  Louis  Cevani  of  Milan.  At  a  din- 
ner held  last  evening  in  one  of  the  suburbs  of  the  city 
they  named  more  than  150  higher  officers  who  are 
scattered  about  the  various  cantons  of  the  former  king- 
dom [Italy],  and  who  are  in  communication  with  one 
another.  These  two  persons  arrived  the  day  before 
yesterday  from  Porto  Ferrajo.  The  former  departed 
this  morning,  as  he  announced,  for  Lucca ;  the  latter 
is  said  to  be  leaving  soon  for  Parma.  I  directed  the 
attention  of  the  governor  of  Livorno  to  them,  but  as 
they  are  Italians  and  Austrian  subjects,  no  one  dared 
to  adopt  decisive  measures  toward  these  disseminators 
of  secret  correspondence  and  intrigue.  The  Austrian 
consul  in  this  port  is  an  honorable  man,  but  happens 
to  be  seventy  or  more  years  old.  He  probably  has  no 
instructions  to  keep  watch  over  the  subjects  of  his  im- 
perial master  who  come  and  go  here,  or  else  he  has 
not  the  necessary  capacity  or  the  necessary  means.  If 
stringent  measures  are  not  adopted  to  stop  this  cor- 
respondence and  to  seize  it,  the  tranquillity  of  Italy  will 
not  be  of  long  duration.  Recruiting  has  ceased  in 
Italy  and  Tuscany  since  the  recruiting  officers  were 
arrested  and  imprisoned.  King  Joachim  [Murat]  re- 
ceived the  officers  of  Bonaparte  exceedingly  well.  He 
inquired  about  the  health  and  occupation  of  the  Prince 
of  Elba  and  especially  regarding  the  condition  and 
number  of  his  troops.  When  Capt.  Jaillade  replied 


326    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

that  there  were  only  1500  men  on  the  island,  Joachim 
answered,  "Well,  that  is  the  nucleus  of  500,000."  Even 
if  no  soldiers  are  being  recruited,  officers  are  being 
accepted  and  used  in  the  guard,  these  men  being  satis- 
fied with  a  very  modest  sum.  The  Tunisians  were  re- 
ceived very  well  in  Porto  Ferrajo,  and  one  of  these 
Barbary  ships  is  cruising  under  the  protection  of  this 
asylum  in  local  waters  and  is  making  the  whole  coast 
tremble.  The  Government  of  Tuscany  has  ordered  the 
enrollment  of  a  local  national  guard  for  protection 
against  these  pirates." 

VIENNA,  January  4,  1815. 

The  report  of  the  signing  of  peace  between 
England  and  the  United  States  of  America  was 
given  me  in  a  note  from  Lord  Castlereagh  on 
New  Year's  day.  I  hastened  therefore  to  express 
my  felicitations,  and  I  congratulated  myself,  as  I 
well  knew  what  influence  this  event  would  have, 
on  the  one  hand,  on  the  views  of  this  minister, 
and,  on  the  other,  upon  the  decisions  of  those 
whose  demands  we  have  had  to  fight  till  now. 
Lord  Castlereagh  showed  me  the  treaty.  It  com- 
promises the  honor  of  neither  the  one  nor  the 
other  group,  and  therefore  will  satisfy  both. 

This  happy  news  was  only  the  precursor  of  a 
much  happier  event. 

To-day,  Sire,  the  coalition  was  dissolved,  and 
it  is  dissolved  forever.  Not  only  is  France  no 
longer  isolated  in  Europe,  but  your  Majesty  al- 


MASTER   CRAFTSMAN   EXPOSES   HAND    327 

ready  has  a  confederacy  such  as  could  hardly 
have  been  expected  as  the  outcome  of  half  a  cen- 
tury of  negotiations.  You  are  in  agreement 
with  two  great  powers,  with  three  states  of  sec- 
ondary rank,  and  soon  will  be  with  all  those 
states  that  do  not  adhere  to  revolutionary  basic 
principles  and  maxims.  You  will  be,  in  fact,  the 
head  and  soul  of  this  confederacy,  which  will  de- 
fend the  basic  principles  which  you  were  the  first 
to  promulgate. 

Next  to  God  the  causes  which  have  brought 
about  this  change  were: 

My  letters  to  Metternich  and  Castlereagh  and 
the  impression  that  they  created. 

The  hints  regarding  an  alliance  with  France 
which  I  gave  Lord  Castlereagh  in  the  interview 
that  I  described  to  your  Majesty  in  my  last  com- 
munication. 

My  anxiety  to  appease  his  lack  of  confidence, 
to  accomplish  which  I  showed  the  greatest  dis- 
interestedness on  behalf  of  France. 

The  peace  with  America,  which  robbed  him  of 
all  anxiety  from  that  quarter  and  gave  him  more 
freedom  to  negotiate  and  more  courage. 

Finally  the  demands  of  Russia  and  Prussia, 
which  are  contained  in  the  Russian  draft,  a  copy 
of  which  I  beg  to  inclose  herewith,  and  especially 
the  tone  in  which  these  demands  were  presented 
and  supported  in  a  conference  between  your 


328    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

plenipotentiaries  and  those  of  Austria.  The  ar- 
rogant tone  in  which  this  unseemly  and  muddled 
document  was  couched  wounded  Lord  Castle- 
reagh  so  greatly  that  his  usual  composure  de- 
serted him,  and  he  declared  that  the  Russians 
wished  to  dictate  laws,  but  that  England  would 
not  put  up  with  this  from  any  one. 

All  these  incidents  had  put  him  in  a  favorable 
mood,  which  I  made  use  of.  He  became  so  heated 
that  he  himself  suggested  that  he  put  his  ideas 
on  the  subject  on  paper.  We  signed  the  conven- 
tion to-night.  I  hasten  to  send  it  to  your  Majes- 

ty- 

As  General  Dupont  wrote  me  on  November 
9  that  your  Majesty  would  have  180,000  men  at 
your  disposal  on  January  1,  and  180,000  addi- 
tional on  March  1  without  calling  up  a  new  draft, 
I  believed  that  an  auxiliary  force  of  150,000 
men  could  with  certainty  be  promised,  as  Eng- 
land bound  itself  to  provide  the  same  number  of 
troops. 

The  object  of  our  agreement  is  to  complete  the 
conditions  of  the  Paris  treaty  in  a  manner  that 
is  most  compatible  with  its  true  spirit  and  with 
the  general  interest  of  Europe.  If  however,  war 
actually  broke  out,  it  would  be  possible  to  give 
it  an  aim  which  would  virtually  make  its  failure 
impossible  and  give  Europe  immeasurable  ad- 
vantages. 


MASTER  CRAFTSMAN  EXPOSES  HAND      329 

In  so  honorable  a  war  France  would  wholly 
regain  the  respect  and  confidence  of  all  peoples, 
an  acquisition  worth  more  than  that  of  one  or 
more  provinces,  the  possession  of  whicfi,  happily 
enough,  it  needs  neither  for  its  actual  power  nor 
for  its  prosperity. 

VIENNA,  January  6,  1815. 

The  Czar  of  Russia  wishes  to  have  your  Majes- 
ty believe  that  in  consideration  for  yourself  and 
in  order  to  do  you  a  favor  he  has  made  the  sug- 
gestion that  the  King  of  Saxony  be  given  several 
hundred  thousand  souls  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rhine  as  a  substitute  for  his  kingdom.  General 
Pozzo  is  said  to  have  been  charged  with  obtaining 
the  assent  of  your  Majesty  to  this  proposal. 

But  your  Majesty  knows  that  the  Saxon  ques- 
tion is  to  be  viewed  not  solely  from  the  point  of 
view  of  legitimacy,  but  also  from  that  of  the 
balance  of  power.  The  basis  of  legitimacy  would 
be  affected  by  the  forced  transposition  of  the 
King  of  Saxony  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine, 
so  that  the  King  of  Saxony  would  never  give  his 
acquiescence  thereto;  and  finally,  apart  from  the 
claim  of  legitimacy,  Saxony  cannot  be  given  to 
Prussia  without  greatly  weakening  the  relative 
power  of  Austria,  and  without  totally  destroying 
the  balance  of  power  in  th  Germanic  organiza- 
tion. 


330    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

VIENNA,  January  19,  1815. 

The  addition  of  Bavaria  to  the  triple  alliance 
is  in  progress.  Following  Bavaria,  Hanover  and 
Holland  will  join.  The  Grand  Duke  of  Darm- 
stadt is  allying  himself  for  the  same  purpose  with 
Bavaria,  and  promises  6000  men. 

Austria,  England,  Bavaria,  Holland,  Han- 
over, and  virtually  the  whole  of  Germany  agree 
with  us  regarding  the  preservation  of  the  King 
and  the  Kingdom  of  Saxony.  Saxony,  therefore, 
will  continue  to  exist  despite  the  fact  that  Prince 
Hardenberg  dared  to  demand  the  whole  of  Sax- 
ony in  a  scheme  for  the  rebuilding  of  the  Prus- 
sian monarchy  that  he  recently  placed  before  us. 

In  addition  we  find  in  an  examination  of  the 
Prussian  plan  that  everything  that  Prussia  pos- 
sessed in  1805,  and  which  is  everything  that  it 
has  a  right  to  demand,  can  be  given  to  it,  and  that 
still  1,500,000  inhabitants  will  remain  in  Saxony. 
Prussia,  however,  contends,  on  the  ground  of  the 
enlargements  which  have  come  to  Russia  and 
Austria,  that  it  ought  to  have  600,000  more  in- 
habitants now  than  in  the  year  1805. 

VIENNA,  January  25,  1815. 

I  attended  a  conference  yesterday  with  Met- 

ternich  and  Schwarzenberg  for  the  purpose  of 

determining,  according  to  the  judgment  of  the 

Austrian  military,  what  points  in  Saxony  could 


MASTER  CRAFTSMAN  EXPOSES  HAND      331 

be  ceded  to  Prussia  and  what  others  could  not 
be  given  up  without  thereby  endangering  the  se- 
curity of  Austria. 

VIENNA,  February  8,  1815. 

The  Duke  of  Wellington  arrived  here  on  the 
evening  of  February  1.  At  ten  o'clock  on  the 
following  morning  the  Czar  of  Russia  visited  him 
and  began  with  the  question: 

"Things  are  going  badly  in  France,  is  it  not 
so?" 

"Not  at  all,"  replied  the  duke.  "The  king  is 
much  beloved,  greatly  respected,  and  conducts 
himself  with  accomplished  wisdom." 

The  czar  rejoined: 

"You  can  tell  me  nothing  more  agreeable. 
And  the  army?" 

"For  a  foreign  war,  no  matter  against  what 
power,  the  army  is  as  excellent  as  ever,"  answered 
Wellington;  "but  in  questions  of  internal  politics 
it  may  not  be  available." 

As  Prince  Adam  tells  me,  these  answers  per- 
plexed the  czar  more  than  he  allowed  himself  to 
show. 

Lord  Castlereagh  adheres  unequivocally  to  the 
view  that  Prussia  must  be  strong,  and  above  all 
has  the  object  of  avoiding  the  war.  Lord  Well- 
ington is  himself  of  the  view  that  England  could 
not  wage  war  at  the  present  time,  and  that 


332    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

France  is  the  only  nation  in  a  position  to  do  so. 
Castlereagh  insisted  that  we  would  have  to  con- 
cede a  bit  more  to  the  Prussians  in  order  to  satisfy 
them. 

In  order  to  enlarge  their  share,  therefore,  the 
share  of  Holland  has  been  decreased  by  100,000 
souls,  and  that  of  Hanover  by  50,000.  The  dis- 
trict of  Fulda  is  added  to  this.  The  Czar  of  Rus- 
sia— he  is  entitled  to  this  credit — desired  to  aug- 
ment this  adjustment  and  gave  the  city  of  Thorn 
back  to  the  Prussians,  so  that  this  matter  may 
now  be  regarded  in  general  as  disposed  of  even 
if  it  has  not  been  finally  settled.  Saxony  will  be 
diminished  in  size  by  less  than  1,500,000  souls. 

VIENNA,  February  15,  1815. 

At  last  the  abolition  of  the  negro  slave-trade, 
a  cause  for  which  the  English  nation  showed  a 
passion  verging  on  madness,  has  been  conceded 
by  the  two  only  powers  which  had  not  yet  re- 
nounced it. 

Lord  Castlereagh  is  therefore  well  armed 
against  the  attacks  of  the  opposition ;  he  returns 
home  with  achievements  which  he  needs  in  order 
to  flatter  public  opinion. 

The  czar  spoke  most  contemptuously  regard- 
ing Murat.  "He  is  canaille"  he  said,  "and  has 
betrayed  us.  But,"  he  added,  "when  I  interfere 


MASTER  CRAFTSMAN  EXPOSES  HAND      333 

in  any  matter  I  like  to  be  sure  of  the  means  for 
carrying  it  to  a  successful  conclusion.  If  Murat 
offers  opposition,  we  shall  have  to  force  him  out. 
I  have  talked  about  this  with  Wellington,"  he 
went  on.  "He  thinks  that  we  shall  need  consid- 
erable fighting  forces  and  that  we  shall  face  great 
difficulties  if  it  becomes  necessary  to  send  these 
forces  by  ship."  I  replied  that  I  demanded  no 
forces, — for  I  well  know  that  they  would  have 
been  refused  me, — but  only  one  line,  a  single  line 
in  future  treaties ;  France  and  Spain  would  take 
over  the  rest.  Thereupon  the  czar  replied,  "You 
shall  have  my  support." 

In  the  entire  course  of  this  interview  the  czar 
appeared  cold,  but  in  general  I  was  more  satisfied 
than  provoked  with  him. 

VIENNA,  February  24,  1815. 
The  Swiss  affairs  will,  according  to  all  appear- 
ances, be  disposed  of  in  a  few  days  with  the  ex- 
ception of  one  single  point,  that  of  the  Veltlin. 
It  appears  that  it  is  intended  to  leave  the  Veltlin 
question  in  doubt  in  consideration  of  the  acquies- 
cence of  the  Swiss  cantons  to  the  proposals  that 
will  be  made  to  them ;  for  it  has  been  decided,  first, 
merely  to  propose  the  solution  that  has  been 
agreed  on  before  taking  steps  to  force  it  upon 
them  as  law,  if  need  be. 


334    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

VIENNA,  February  26,  1815. 
I  wish  that  the  Austrian  declaration  might 
have  expressed  itself  more  specifically  against 
Murat.  But  we  were  anxious  not  to  give  him  an 
excuse  for  making  a  desperate  decision  while  the 
Austrians  in  Italy  were  not  yet  mobilized.  Or- 
ders to  send  forces  thither  have  been  issued; 
150,000  men  are  to  stand  in  Italy  and  50,000 
as  a  reserve  in  Carinthia.  This  will  be  sufficient 
to  hold  Murat  in  check  or  to  crush  his  under- 
taking. 

NOTE  BY  METTERNLCH  TO  TALLEYRAND 

VIENNA,  February  25,  1815. 

The  'undersigned,  prime  minister  and  minister  of  for- 
eign affairs  for  his  imperial  and  royal  apostolic  Maj- 
esty, is  called  upon  to  convey  the  following  official 
communication  to  his  Highness  Prince  Talleyrand: 

In  the  course  of  the  negotiations  in  Vienna  between 
the  representatives  of  the  powers  who  signed  the  Paris 
Treaty  the  undersigned  has  not  desisted  from  giving  in 
the  name  of  the  emperor,  his  gracious  lord,  proofs  of 
the  desire  of  his  imperial  Majesty  to  assure  Italy  a 
condition  of  stability  and  tranquillity  by  which  Europe 
and  his  empire  naturally  are  affected. 

The  continued  tension  between  the  courts  of  France 
and  Naples  has  drawn  the  whole  attention  of  the  emper- 
or the  more  because  strong  concentrations  of  troops  are 
taking  place  on  the  boundary  of  the  Kingdom  of  Naples, 
and  assemblies  are  also  taking  place  in  southern  France. 


MASTER  CRAFTSMAN  EXPOSES  HAND      335 

Although  it  is  far  from  the  desire  of  his  imperial 
Majesty  to  ascribe  hostile  intentions  to  the  one  or  to 
the  other  of  these  courts,  which  might  endanger  the 
peace  of  Italy  and  therefore  also  an  interested  part  of 
the  Austrian  monarchy,  the  emperor  and  king,  never- 
theless, has  felt  the  need  of  renewing  the  declaration 
which  the  undersigned  was  in  a  position  to  present  at 
one  of  the  first  conferences:  that  his  Majesty  is  firmly 
determined  never  to  permit  the  peace  of  his  own  prov- 
inces or  those  ruled  by  princes  of  his  house  to  be  dis- 
turbed by  the  entry  of  foreign  troops  into  Italy;  the 
emperor  will  consider  as  directed  against  his  interests, 
and  therefore  against  himself,  any  plan  or  order  which 
is  contrary  to  this  resolution. 

*  In  informing  Prince  Talleyrand  that  he  is  directing 
an  identical  declaration  on  the  same  subject  to  the 
court  of  Naples,  the  undersigned  begs  his  Highness  to 
accept  the  expression  of  his  high  regard. 

NOTE  OP  TALLEYRAND  TO  METTERNICH 

VIENNA,  February  25,  1815. 

The  undersigned,  ambassador  of  his  Majesty,  King 
of  France  and  Navarre,  at  the  Congress  and  his  minis- 
ter and  secretary  of  state  in  the  department  of  foreign 
affairs,  has  received  the  declaration  with  which  his 
Highness  Prince  Metternich  has  honored  him  this  day. 

Should  conditions  make  necessary  the  march  of 
French  troops  for  the  defense  of  the  principles  affect- 
ing Naples,  which  the  embassy  of  his  most  Christian 
Majesty  has  so  steadily  championed  at  the  Vienna  Con- 
gress, these  troops  will  not  march  through  the  Austrian 


336    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

provinces  in  Italy  or  through  lands  ruled  by  the 
princes  of  the  house  of  Austria.  It  can  never  be  the 
intention  of  his  most  Christian  Majesty  to  attempt 
anything  that  would  disturb  or  endanger  the  peace  of 
these  provinces — a  peace  which,  on  the  contrary,  his 
Majesty  is  most  unselfishly  interested  in  strengthening 
and  preserving. 

VIENNA,  March  3,  1815. 

Austria  and  Bavaria  are  agreed  except  for  one 
point,  namely  Salzburg,  all  of  which  Austria 
would  like  to  have,  and  of  which  Bavaria  wishes 
to  keep  a  part.  I  have  advised  each  of  the  two 
negotiators  separately  to  come  to  an  agreement 
in  order  to  give  Russia  and  Prussia  no  excuse  for 
interfering  in  the  discussion. 

I  have  just  received  the  description  of  the 
troops  now  on  the  march  to  Italy.  There  are  120 
battalions  and  84  squadrons,  all  full  strength,  a 
total  of  129,000  infantry  and  15,000  cavalry.  The 
commanding  generals  of  this  army  are  Bianchi, 
Radetzky,  Frimont,  and  Hieronymus  Colloredo. 
Outside  of  these  there  is  a  reserve  of  more  than 
50,000  men  in  Carinthia,  Styria,  etc. 

General  Pozzo  is  merely  waiting  for  the  last 
despatches  of  the  emperor  before  leaving. 

KING  LOUIS   XVIII  TO  TALLEYRAND 

March  7,  1815. 

I  had  decided  to  take  up  with  you  to-day  a  discussion 
of  the  convention  of  April  11  of  the  previous  year. 


MASTER  CRAFTSMAN  EXPOSES  HAND       337 

Bonaparte  relieves  me  of  this  task.  Before  you  receive 
this  despatch  you  will  without  doubt  have  received  news 
of  his  ill-starred  undertaking.  I  immediately  took  the 
steps  which  to  me  seemed  best  fitted  to  make  him  re- 
gret this,  and  I  count  confidently  upon  their  success. 
This  morning  I  received  the  ambassadors.  I  turned  to 
all  of  them  and  besought  them  to  inform  their  courts 
that  they  had  not  found  me  in  any  manner  disturbed  by 
the  news  that  had  been  received ;  moreover,  that  I  was 
convinced  that  the  peace  of  Europe  would  be  disturbed 
as  little  hereby  as  that  of  my  soul.  My  gout  has  re- 
cently progressed  remarkably  toward  convalescence. 

gIRE.  VIENNA,  March  7,  1815. 

I  may  assume  that  your  Majesty  already 
knows,  or  will  have  learned  before  you  receive 
this  letter,  that  Bonaparte  has  left  the  Island  of 
Elba.  In  any  case  I  hasten  to  send  this  report 
to  your  Majesty.  I  learned  it  first  through  a 
note  from  Metternich,  to  which  I  replied  that  I 
saw  from  the  dates  how  this  escape  of  Bonaparte 
was  connected  with  the  demand  made  by  Murat 
on  Austria,  asking  passage  for  his  troops  through 
the  Austrian  provinces.  The  Duke  of  Welling- 
ton also  acquainted  me  with  a  despatch  from 
Lord  Burghest,  a  translation  of  which  I  have  the 
honor  of  inclosing,  together  with  an  extract  from 
the  letter  of  the  vice-consul  at  Ancona  [Du- 
morey].  This  extract  was  also  given  me  by  the 
Duke  of  Wellington. 


338    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

On  February  26,  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening, 
Bonaparte  embarked  at  Porto  Ferrajo.  He  had 
taken  with  him  about  1,200  men,  10  cannon, 
among  these  6  field-guns,  a  number  of  horses, 
and  provisions  for  five  or  six  days.  The  English, 
who  took  upon  themselves  the  task  of  watching 
his  movements,  have  done  this  with  a  negligence 
which  it  will  be  hard  for  them  to  justify. 

In  a  session  of  the  English  House  of  Commons,  on 
April  7,  the  English  minister  said: 

"It  is  asked  why  Napoleon  was  not  better  watched 
on  the  Island  of  Elba.  The  reason  was  that  Napoleon 
was  not  there  as  a  prisoner.  The  place  had  been  as- 
signed to  him  as  an  independent  possession.  If  he  had 
been  placed  under  any  kind  of  restriction  on  this  island, 
the  agreement  concluded  with  him  would  have  been  vio- 
lated. As  for  the  possibility  of  watching  over  the 
island,  I  believe  that  the  whole  marine  of  England 
would  not  be  sufficient  to  hinder  the  escape  of  a  man 
from  the  Island  of  Elba.  Besides,  it  is  clear  from  the 
treaty  that  it  was  not  at  all  the  intention  of  the  allies  to 
regard  Napoleon  as  a  prisoner  on  the  Island  of  Elba." 

The  fact  that  he  has  taken  a  northernly  direc- 
tion seems  to  indicate  that  he  is  going  either  to 
Genoa  or  to  southern  France. 

The  King  of  Sardinia  is  momentarily  in  Genoa, 
and  must  have  his  guard  there.  In  the  harbor 
also  lie  three  English  frigates.  If,  therefore, 
Bonaparte  should  attempt  anything  against 


MASTER  CRAFTSMAN  EXPOSES  HAND      339 

Genoa  with  his  1,200  men  he  would  fail.  It  is  to 
be  feared  that  he  will  go  through  the  mountains 
to  Parma  and  Lombardy,  and  that  his  presence 
there  will  be  the  signal  for  a  rising  that  has  been 
long  prepared  for  and  which  has  been  greatly 
favored  by  the  bad  conduct  of  the  Austrians  and 
the  false  politics  of  their  cabinet. 

The  results  of  this  event  cannot  well  be  pre- 
dicted, but  they  may  be  happy  ones,  if  we  know 
how  to  reap  advantages  from  them.  I  will  make 
every  effort,  so  that  they  will  not  go  to  sleep  here, 
and  so  that  the  Congress  will  adopt  a  resolution 
placing  Bonaparte  wholly  outside  the  rank  which 
was  left  to  him  through  inexplicable  weakness, 
and  so,  finally,  making  it  impossible  for  him  to 
call  down  new  misfortune  on  Europe. 

Metternich  tells  the  following  story  of  the  receipt 
of  the  news  of  Napoleon's  flight  from  Elba : 

"When  the  members  reached  my  quarters,  the  occur- 
rence was  still  unknown  to  them.  Talleyrand  was  the 
first  who  entered;  I  gave  him  the  report  from  Genoa 
to  read.  He  remained  cold,  and  the  following  laconic 
conversation  took  place  between  us: 

"Talleyrand:  'Do  you  know  where  Napoleon  is 
going?' 

"Myself:     'The  reports  contain  nothing  about  that.' 

"Talleyrand :  'He  will  land  on  the  Italian  coast  and 
throw  himself  into  Switzerland.' 

"Myself :     'He  will  proceed  directly  toward  Paris.'  " 


340    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

VIENNA,  March  12,  1815. 

In  Pressburg  we  received  the  news  that  Bona- 
parte had  been  driven  off  with  cannon-shot  be- 
fore Antibes,  which  he  had  called  upon  to  sur- 
render, and  that  he  then  landed  in  the  bay  of  San 
Juan.  These  are  the  last  reports  we  have  con- 
cerning him. 

So  long  as  we  were  still  in  uncertainty  about 
where  Bonaparte  was  going  and  what  he  would 
attempt,  no  declaration  could  be  issued  against 
him.  As  soon  as  we  learned  this  we  busied  our- 
selves to  have  one  adopted.  The  wording  was 
drawn  up  by  the  French  embassy  and  reported 
to  the  Duke  of  Wellington  and  Prince  Metter- 
nich.  It  will  be  read  to-morrow  at  the  meeting 
of  the  eight  powers  that  signed  the  Treaty  of 
Paris,  and  it  is  likely  that  it  will  undergo  a  num- 
ber of  changes. 

I  cannot  doubt  but  that  your  Majesty  has 
given  orders  for  troops  to  be  sent  to  southern 
France.  If  I  may  be  permitted  an  opinion  con- 
cerning the  commander  whom  it  would  be  best  to 
place  over  these  troops,  I  would  suggest  Marshal 
MacDonald.  He  is  a  man  of  honor,  who  can  be 
depended  upon;  he  possesses  the  confidence  of 
the  army,  and  as  he  signed  the  agreement  of 
April  11,  1814,  in  the  name  of  Bonaparte,  his 
example  will  make  a  greater  impression  if  he 
marches  against  him. 


MASTER  CRAFTSMAN  EXPOSES  HAND      34-1 

I  have  seen  a  list  of  the  higher  officers  who  have 
been  placed  in  command  of  the  30,000  men  whom 
your  Majesty  has  ordered  to  be  assembled  be- 
tween Lyons  and  Chambery.  Many  of  the  names 
are  unknown  to  me,  but  among  them  are  a  num- 
ber in  whom  I  can  place  no  confidence;  among 
others,  General  Moritz  Mathieu,  who  was,  I  be- 
lieve, the  willing  creature  of  Joseph  Bonaparte. 

The  appearance  of  Bonaparte  in  France,  an 
incident  that  is  otherwise  so  disagreeable,  will  at 
least  have  the  advantage  of  bringing  things  to  a 
speedy  close  here.  Every  one  here  feels  his 
energy  and  his  capacity  doubled. 

VIENNA,  March  14,  1815. 
I  inclose  herewith  one  of  the  declarations  that 
was  printed  in  Vienna  and  circulated  throughout 
Germany : 

To  THE  NATIONS! 

Bonaparte  wishes  to  rule  solely  for  the  good  of  the 
Jacobins.  He  is  satisfied  with  the  present  boundaries 
of  France  and  wishes  to  live  in  peace  with  the  rest  of 
Europe.  As  guarantees  for  this  he  offers:  1. — Shooting 
down  the  Paris  sections  with  grape-shot ;  2. — the  poi- 
soning of  the  hospitals  in  Egypt;  3. — the  murder  of 
Pichegru;  4. — the  shooting  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien; 
5. — the  oaths  of  fealty  sworn  to  the  French  republic; 
6. — the  repeated  assaults  on  all  the  governments  of 
Europe;  7. — the  plundering  of  the  churches  in  Russia 


342    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

and  Spain ;  8. — his  escape  from  Elba ;  9. — the  organ- 
ization of  3000  battalions  of  the  national  guard  as  a 
substitute  for  conscription ;  10. — the  violation  of  all 
treaties  signed  by  him,  including  that  of  Fontainebleau ; 
11. — the  abolition  of  the  indirect  taxes  in  favor  of 
public  drunkenness.  In  addition  he  promises  to  issue 
a  decree  against  perjury  immediately  after  the  May 
assembly,  if  it  turns  out  favorably  for  him,  which  will 
be  drawn  up  by  Regnault  de  Saint  Jean  d'Angely  and 
countersigned  by  Ney. 

The  declaration  is  an  answer  to  Napoleon's  procla- 
mation of  Grenoble,  in  which  he  promised  liberal  in- 
ternal reforms  for  France  and  announced  that  he  would 
wage  no  wars  of  conquest. 

VIENNA,  March  19,  1815  (evening). 
SIRE: 

I  have  the  honor  of  sending  your  Majesty  a 
communication  which  I  received  this  instant  from 
the  Russian  minister.  It  appears  to  leave  noth- 
ing to  be  desired  on  the  point  with  which  it  is  con- 
cerned. The  views  expressed  therein  are  very 
good  and  in  harmony  with  the  policy  which  the 
czar  follows  at  this  time.  Everything  that  re- 
lates to  this  shows  the  best  spirit. 

It  is  intended  to  raise  three  active  and  two 
reserve  armies. 

The  one,  which  is  to  operate  from  the  sea  to 
the  Main,  will  be  composed  of  English,  Dutch, 
Hanoverian,  and  Prussian  troops,  and  northern 


MASTER  CRAFTSMAN  EXPOSES  HAND      343 

contingents.  Its  commander-in-chief  will  be  the 
Duke  of  Wellington. 

The  line  of  operations  of  the  second  army, 
which  will  be  commanded  by  Prince  Schwarzen- 
berg,  is  to  stretch  from  the  Main  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean Sea.  This  army  will  be  composed  of 
Austrians,  Piedmontese,  Swiss,  and  contingents 
from  South  Germany. 

No  commander-in-chief  has  yet  been  deter- 
mined on  for  the  Italian  Army. 

Of  the  two  reserve  armies,  one  will  be  called 
the  Northern  Reserve  Army  and  commanded  by 
Field-Marshal  Bliicher;  Gen.  Barclay  de  Tolly 
will  command  the  other,  which  is  to  be  called  the 
Southern  Reserve  Army. 

All  these  are  but  proposals,  which,  however, 
it  seems,  find  favor  with  England  and  Austria. 
We  are  soon  to  receive  information  regarding 
the  strength  of  each  of  these  armies. 

VIENNA,  March  23,  1815. 
The  fighting  forces  which  are  being  raised  by 
Austria,  Russia,  England,  Prussia,  Bavaria, 
Holland,  the  German  states,  and  Sardinia  will 
include,  counting  the  garrisons,  700,000  men, 
ready  to  move  at  the  first  command.  The  Prus- 
sians already  have  80,000  men  on  the  Rhine ;  the 
English,  Dutch,  and  Hanoverians  virtually  the 
same  number ;  250,000  Russians  will  arrive  at  the 


344    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

end  of  April  with  590  pieces  of  artillery.  I  be- 
lieve that  in  place  of  three  active  armies  there 
will  be  four,  one  of  them  under  the  chief  com- 
mand of  Field-Marshal  Bliicher. 

VIENNA,  March  26,  1815. 
SIRE: 

Following  a  command  of  Czar  Alexander  that 
I  call  on  him,  I  went  to  the  Burg  [Hofburg] 
this  morning  at  eleven  o'clock.  During  all  the 
,  time  that  I  have  been  in  Vienna  he  has  not  been 
so  gracious  toward  me.  It  was  necessary,  he 
said  to  me,  to  avoid  blaming  any  one  for  what  has 
occurred,  and  to  face  the  present  situation 
frankly  and  to  profit  by  it,  not  in  order  to  discover 
the  cause,  but  to  find  a  solution  for  it.  He  spoke 
a  great  deal,  as  if  he  wished  to  unburden  himself 
of  his  attachment  to  your  Majesty.  If  need  be, 
he  will  give  his  last  man  and  his  last  dollar  for 
you.  He  spoke  like  a  brave  soldier  who  does  not 
fear  to  risk  his  health  or  his  life  in  the  game. 

VIENNA,  March  29,  1815. 

The  treaty  of  cooperation  was  signed  on  the 
evening  of  the  25th  and  officially  reported  to  me 
on  the  27th. 

After  this  important  transaction  had  been  dis- 
posed of,  the  Duke  of  Wellington  no  longer 
wished  to  delay  his  departure  for  his  army,  and 
left  Vienna  this  morning  at  six  o'clock. 


MASTER  CRAFTSMAN  EXPOSES  HAND      345 

VIENNA,  April  5,  1815. 

The  events  that  have  taken  place  in  France 
have  not  in  any  manner  upset  the  embassy  of 
your  Majesty  at  the  Congress;  the  circumstances 
affecting  the  future  of  Europe  will  come  up  for 
attention  in  the  same  manner  as  heretofore. 

KING    LOUIS    XVIII    TO    TALLEYRAND 

OSTEND,  March  26,  1815. 

As  it  is  contended  that  France  needs  my  head,  I 
have  had  to  take  measures  for  its  security,  which  might 
have  been  endangered  if  I  had  remained  many  hours 
longer  in  Lille.  Bonaparte,  therefore,  has  the  fighting 
forces  to  himself.  All  the  hearts  belong  to  me ;  of  that 
I  received  incontrovertible  proofs  all  along  the  route 
that  I  traveled. 

TALLEYRAND  TO   KING  LOUIS  XVIII 

VIENNA,  April  13,  1815. 

All  the  news  that  I  receive  from  France 
proves  to  me  that  Bonaparte  finds  himself  in  the 
greatest  difficulty.  I  infer  this  also  from  the 
messengers  he  has  sent  hither. 

One  of  the  latter,  M.  de  Montrond,  has  come 
to  Vienna  with  the  help  of  the  Abbe  Altieri,  at- 
tache of  the  Austrian  embassy  in  Paris. 

Napoleon  has  made  the  following  comment  on  this 
mission  in  his  memoirs:  "The  Montrond  mission  had 
a  number  of  objects:  The  winning  of  Talleyrand;  the 


346    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

conveying  of  letters  to  the  empress  [Marie  Louise]  and 
to  bring  back  answers  ;  at  the  same  time  Talleyrand  was 
also  to  be  furnished  with  an  opportunity  of  writing 
to  France  in  order  that  we  might  grasp  the  threads 
of  the  intrigue  that  he  had  spun  there.  All  these  ob- 
jects were  attained." 

Draft  of  an  announcement  made  by  the  French 
delegates  to  the  conference  of  the  eight  powers  at 
Vienna,  April  1,  1815: 

The  powers  flattered  themselves  that  they  had  se- 
cured for  the  world  a  lasting  peace  by  the  treaties  of 
April  11  and  May  30,  1814. 

France  was  the  first  to  enjoy  this;  all  of  its  interests 
were  placed  in  order ;  whereas  those  of  the  other  powers 
remained  dependent  upon  the  future  decisions  of  a 
Congress.  It  was  not  that  its  boundaries  had  been  de- 
creased ;  it  had  actually  been  enlarged.  Liberal  in- 
stitutions had  taken  place  of  the  horrible  despotism. 
Its  colonies  had  been  returned,  and  the  seas  had  been 
reopened.  No  obstacles  stood  any  longer  in  the  way 
of  the  development  of  all  the  capacity  for  prosperity 
which  it  possessed.  It  was  no  longer  reproached  for 
the  evil  of  which  it  has  been  the  tool,  and  it  was  recon- 
ciled fully  with  Europe;  and  while  internally  it  enjoyed 
the  benefits  of  a  paternal  government  under  its  legiti- 
mate king,  externally  it  drew  new  strength  from  the 
confidence  that  it  created.  Invited  to  attend  the  Con- 
gress, it  there  exercised  the  influence  of  one  of  the  most 
prominent  members  of  the  great  European  family. 

The  man  who  to-day  loudly  admits  that  he  planned 


MASTER  CRAFTSMAN  EXPOSES  HAND      34-7 

the  enslavement  of  Europe  for  fifteen  years  and  who  sac- 
rificed the  lives  of  2,000,000  Frenchmen  to  accomplish 
this  ruthless  object,  who  devastated  everywhere  with 
fire  and  sword,  and  untiringly  strove  toward  his  goal 
with  force  and  deception ;  the  man  who  spurned  the 
united  will  of  the  people  that  had  placed  its  happiness 
in  his  hands,  and  whose  life  had  to  be  defended  against 
the  justified  anger  of  the  people;  this  man,  whose  char- 
acter and  transactions  are  branded  by  the  testimony 
of  the  authorities  that  he  himself  appointed,  through 
the  declarations  of  those  whom  he  knew  how  to  mislead ; 
this  man,  who  not  only  was  removed  from  his  power, 
but  who  gave  it  up  himself  and  then  renounced  it  for 
himself  and  his  own,  in  solemn  treaty  with  the  powers, 
— a  treaty  from  which,  therefore,  only  the  powers  could 
release  him, — has  again  seized  power  in  the  hope  of 
once  more  satisfying  (by  his  designs)  on  France  and 
Europe  a  lust  for  ruling  which  has  never  had  its  equal. 

Europe  cannot  and  shall  not  submit  to  this;  it  does 
not  arm  itself  against  France,  but  for  France  as  much 
as  for  its  own  safety.  It  knows  no  other  enemies  than 
Napoleon  Bonaparte  and  those  who  fight  in  his  cause. 

When  the  powers  declared  on  April  1,  1814,  that 
they  would  not  treat  with  him  regarding  peace,  all  the 
people,  and  above  all  the  French,  applauded  loudly. 

At  the  first  report  of  his  appearance  in  Southern 
France,  in  the  month  of  March,  they  declared  that  they 
would  give  him  neither  peace  nor  a  truce.  To-day,  when 
lie  lias  conquered  the  city  of  Paris  and  has  again 
seized  power,  they  renew  this  declaration  in  a  most 
formal  manner. 


348    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

The  independence  of  the  French  nation  will  remain 
untouched. 

The  treaty  of  May  30  and  the  territorial  and  polit- 
ical arrangements  decided  upon  at  the  Congress  will 
remain  the  guiding  line  for  the  relations  between  France 
and  the  other  European  countries. 

If  Europe  is  forced  into  this  new  and  unexpected 
war,  it  is  its  wish  that  neither  Napoleon  Bonaparte  nor 
his  own  people  shall  again  gain  advantage  from  his 
guilty  undertaking,  that  this  obstacle  to  the  peace 
of  the  world  shall  be  renewed,  and  that  France  in  its 
organization  shall  possess  and  give  Europe  a  pledge 
of  safety.  When  this  goal  has  been  reached,  then,  and 
then  only,  will  the  powers  lay  down  their  arms. 

VIENNA,  April  23,  1815. 
Czar  Alexander,  who  does  not  comprehend  the 
principle  of  legitimacy  very  well,  had  caused  an 
article  which  lies  before  me  to  be  printed  in  the 
"Frankfurter  Zeitung"  without  waiting  to  find 
out  what  the  English  cabinet  thinks  on  the  sub- 
ject. In  this  it  is  set  forth  that  the  powers  wish 
only  to  cause  the  downfall  of  Napoleon.  They 
do  not,  in  any  way,  make  any  pretense  of  mixing 
in  the  constitutional  matters  of  France,  nor  to 
force  a  government  on  France;  France  has  full 
liberty  to  adopt  a  government  which  befits  it. 


MASTER  CRAFTSMAN  EXPOSES  HAND      349 

VIENNA,  May  5,  1815. 

The  English  representatives  to  whom  I  turned 
to  overcome  the  need  for  money  of  your  Majes- 
ty's embassy,  and  who  have  shown  themselves 
most  approachable  in  this  matter,  have  received 
a  communication  from  their  Government  which 
empowers  them  to  advance  to  us  within  six 
months  only  a  sum  of  100,000  francs. 

VIENNA,  May  27,  1815. 
SIRE: 

I  am  able  to  communicate  to  your  Majesty 
to-day  all  the  anxieties  that  have  possessed  me  for 
eight  days.  The  question  had  come  up  whether 
we  should  postpone  the  signing  of  the  acts  of 
the  Congress  to  a  later  time  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  circumstances  demanded  that  a  few  points 
remain  undecided;  a  fairly  strong  intrigue  was 
active  to  this  end.  The  object  was  to  bring  mat- 
ters that  had  been  decided  again  into  question, 
and  to  delay  a  decision  on  a  number  of  points 
which  were  still  awaiting  regulation.  Nothing 
was  more  important  for  your  Majesty  than  to 
place  your  name  under  an  act  which  should  an- 
nounce the  unanimity  of  all  the  powers.  There- 
fore I  had  to  use  all  my  strength  in  order  to  reach 
this  goal.  I  was  excellently  supported  by  the 
English  embassy  and  by  Austria ;  the  signing  will 
take  place  to-morrow  or  the  day  after  to-morrow. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

POLAND  AND  SAXONY  ONE  HUN- 
DRED YEARS  AGO 

FROM  THE  DIARY  OF  BARON  VON   STEIN 

BARON  VON  STEIN  probably  has  reported  the  negotia- 
tions leading  up  to  the  partitioning  of  Poland  and 
Saxony  better  than  any  other  statesman  who  took 
part  in  the  Congress  of  Vienna.  Stein  attended  the 
Congress  in  a  peculiar  capacity.  He  was  one  of  the 
foremost  Germans  of  his  time  and  had  been  Minister- 
President  of  Prussia,  yet  he  appeared  at  the  Congress 
as  an  adviser  to  Czar  Alexander  of  Russia,  a  cham- 
pion of  the  idea  of  a  unified  Germany,  and  a  deter- 
mined opponent  of  Napoleon  and  his  system.  It  was 
the  irony  of  fate  that  as  the  servant  of  a  despotic 
ruler  he  should  advocate  a  liberal  government  for  the 
heterogeneous  mass  of  German  states  under  the  leader- 
ship of  the  country  that  his  own  nation  of  Prussia 
most  despised  and  sought  to  displace — the  Austria  of 
the  Hapsburgs. 

What  Talleyrand  has  told  with  such  brevity  and 
piquancy  in  his  letters  to  his  king  Stein  relates  in 
his  diary  in  a  detailed  manner  that  records  every  step 
of  the  long-drawn-out  controversy  over  the  two  na- 

350 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  351 

tions  that  were  regarded  as  lawful  booty  by  right  of 
conquest.  It  is  this  detailed  manner  of  writing  which 
discloses  most  clearly  the  methods  of  the  old  diplomacy ; 
the  stubborn  determination  to  hold  out;  the  marshal- 
ing of  forces  to  overawe  an  opponent ;  discrediting  the 
representatives  of  the  opposition;  proposing  alterna- 
tives that  do  not  solve  the  problems ;  above  all,  bluffing 
in  the  most  accepted  modern  manner.  The  old  diplo- 
mats passed  away,  but  their  methods  survived  well 
beyond  the  eighteenth  century. 

Baron  von  Stein  appears  to  throw  little  blame  for 
the  controversies  on  Talleyrand.  This  is  another  evi- 
dence of  Talleyrand's  subtlety.  All  the  odium  falls  on 
Metternich,  whose  double-dealing  is  apparently  proved 
by  the  Russians  to  Metternich's  own  sovereign,  Em- 
peror Francis  of  Austria.  This  is  the  Russian  side 
of  the  story  of  the  deception  practised  by  Metter- 
nich, a  defense  of  which  was  written  by  Archduke  John 
in  his  diary. 

Stein  is  the  tragic  figure  of  the  Congress  of  Vienna. 
He  lived  one  hundred  years  before  his  time.  Had  his 
view  prevailed,  it  is  likely  that  Europe  to-day  would 
not  be  mourning  the  results  of  a  war  imposed  upon 
the  free  nations  by  the  Prussian  monarch ;  for  Stein 
worked  for  a  democratization  of  Prussia  that  has  not 
yet  been  achieved.  He  was  the  forerunner  of  Bis- 
marck, but  had  a  confidence  in  popular  rule  such  as 
Bismarck  never  acquired.  He  reached  high  office 
largely  against  the  inclinations  of  his  king,  who  made 
him  minister-president  of  Prussia  on  October  4,  1807. 
Five  days  later  Stein  published  his  famous  ordinance 


352    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

of  emancipation,  by  which  serfdom,  the  caste  system, 
the  restrictions  on  occupations  and  callings,  and  feudal 
rights  over  person  and  property  were  wiped  out  in 
Prussia.  In  1808,  by  means  of  the  municipal  ordi- 
nance, he  gave  free  local  government.  Napoleon,  who 
is  credited  with  having  directed  the  attention  of  the 
King  of  Prussia  to  Stein  with  the  remark  that  he 
was  a  man  worth  using,  discovered  that  Stein  had 
hopes  for  a  German  uprising  against  him  and  forced 
him  into  exile.  Stein  went  first  to  Austria,  and  later 
to  Russia  at  the  invitation  of  Czar  Alexander,  where 
from  1812  to  1815  he  advised  the  czar  on  German 
affairs  and  helped  conduct  his  anti-Napoleonic  work. 
The  czar  made  Stein  administrator  of  affairs  tempo- 
rarily in  East  Prussia  when  that  land  was  occupied  by 
German  troops,  and  here  Stein  is  credited  with  devel- 
oping the  Landsturm  and  the  Landwehr. 

This  diary  discloses  how  completely  the  Russian 
diplomatic  service  was  dominated  by  foreigners.  This 
was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  Russian  court  was  not 
close  to  the  Russian  people,  and  also  to  the  change 
from  court  to  court  frequently  made  by  statesmen 
in  these  turbulent  times,  a  procedure  which  is  not 
possible  now  because  of  the  intensification  of  the  na- 
tionalistic spirit  in  our  own  era.  The  diary  also  shows 
how  Stein  often  differed  with  the  czar,  and  discloses 
most  completely  the  circumstances  surrounding  Alex- 
ander's reconciliation  with  Metternich.  The  name  of 
one  man  in  the  czar's  entourage  is  worth  remembering 
— Pozzo  di  Borgo.  He  played  a  minor  part  at  Vienna, 
but  in  1839  he  signed  on  behalf  of  Russia  the  treaty 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  353 

guaranteeing    the    neutrality    of    Belgium,   which   has 
become  historic  as  "the  scrap  of  paper." 


POLAND   AND    SAXONY   ONE    HUNDRED    YEARS    AGO 

Organization  of  the  order  of  business  at  the 
Congress.  Proposition  by  Xesselrode  on  elimi- 
nating the  French  from  participation  in  the  Ger- 
man questions.  Adoption  of  this  view  by  the 
allied  ministers.  Declaration  by  Gentz,  drawn 
up  along  the  lines  of  the  conference  protocol  of 
the  ministers  and  the  incomprehensible  amend- 
ment of  Humboldt.  Appearance  of  Talleyrand 
and  Dalberg.  Oral  remarks  by  the  French  on 
non-recognition  of  Murat,  on  participation  in 
the  transactions  of  the  Congress  on  a  par  with 
the  other  allies, — which  is  being  supported  espe- 
cially by  Lord  Castlereagh, — and  regarding 
Saxony.  Contempt  of  the  public  toward  Dal- 
berg. According  to  the  reports  of  Pozzo  [Pozzo 
di  Borgo]  the  leanings  of  the  King  of  France 
are  toward  peace.  His  private  letter.  German 
affairs.  The  mediatized  princes. 

The  Austrians  take  more  interest  in  German 
affairs  because  Emperor  Francis  extolled  the 
proofs  of  the  devotion  of  the  Germans  that  he 
received  during  his  trip  through  southern  Ger- 
many, because  they  are  apprehensive  over  dis- 


354    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

orders  in  Germany  and  their  resulting  influence 
on  Austria,  and  because  the  complaints  about 
sultanism  are  getting  more  intense  and  are  being 
spread  in  view  of  the  more  lenient  censorship  of 
the  press.  The  princes  themselves  are  more 
pliable.  The  Grand  Duke  of  Baden  excused 
himself  to  me  for  his  bad  administration  (July 
13).  Nassau  is  preparing  a  constitution.  Rela- 
tions with  Wiirtemberg.  I  have  communicated 
to  the  Crown  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg  the  draft 
for  the  German  constitution  of  Frankfort  and 
that  of  the  territorial  constitution.  He  convinced 
himself  of  its  usefulness,  called  the  minister, 
Linden,  informed  him  of  his  certain  determina- 
tion to  adopt  these  fundamental  laws,  and  com- 
missioned him  to  announce  this  to  his  father,  and 
to  add  how  determined  he  was  to  carry  them  out. 

The  king  was  influenced  by  this  serious  declara- 
tion to  discuss  with  Prince  Metternich  the  in- 
tentions of  the  allied  powers  and  to  ask  him 
whether  the  forthcoming  territorial  constitution 
had  the  backing  of  the  confederation,  and  whether 
the  nobility  should  have  the  right  of  appeal  to 
the  Bundestag.  He  affirmed  this.  His  inter- 
view with  the  chancellor,  Hardenberg,  was  in  the 
same  spirit,  and  thereupon  he  determined  to  ask 
his  ministry  to  prepare  a  constitution  and  to  for- 
ward it  to  him. 

The  continued  movements  in  Saxony  prompted 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  355 

me  to  propose  to  Czar  Alexander  the  urgent  need 
of  turning  the  administration  of  Saxony  over 
to  Prussia  (September  29).  He  approved  this, 
and  this  declaration  in  the  name  of  the  czar  was 
made  at  a  conference  between  Count  Nesselrode, 
the  chancellor  [Hardenberg],  Herr  von  Hum- 
boldt,  and  myself.  We  agreed,  however,  not  to 
begin  the  administration  until  this  had  first  been 
communicated  to  Austria. 

September  28,  29. — The  allied  powers  united 
in  a  declaration  according  to  which  the  discussion 
of  the  more  general  European  affairs  should  be 
brought  before  a  gathering  of  the  powers  that 
took  part  in  the  Treaty  of  Paris  [Russia,  Aus- 
tria, England,  France,  Spain,  Prussia,  Portugal, 
and  Sweden].  German  affairs,  however,  are  to 
be  placed  before  a  special  group  of  German 
powrers ;  namely,  Austria,  Prussia,  Bavaria,  Han- 
over, and  Wiirtemberg.  This  decision  was  to 
be  made  known  in  a  declaration  to  all  present  at 
the  Congress.  The  project  of  this  declaration 
was  communicated  on  October  2  to  Talleyrand, 
who  repudiated  it,  and  proposed  that  the  partici- 
pants in  the  Congress  should  meet  and  adopt  the 
resolution  wrhich  outlined  the  organization  of  the 
various  working  committees. 

In  an  interview  with  Czar  Alexander  I  ex- 
pressed my  view  on  the  decision  regarding  Sax- 
ony. The  czar  refused  to  enter  into  a  discussion 


356    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

on  this  subject  and  declared  that  after  the  peace 
of  Paris  the  allied  powers  had  reserved  for  them- 
selves the  disposition  of  conquered  countries. 
Talleyrand  replied  that  he  thought  "quit  ny 
avait  plus  de  puissances  alliees  ["that  there  no 
longer  were  any  allied  powers"]. 

"Oui,  toutes  les  fois  qu'il  s'agira  de  soutenir  le 
traite  de  Paris,"  replied  the  czar  ["Yes,  always 
when  it  is  needed  to  sustain  the  Treaty  of 
Paris"].  The  chancellor,  Metternich,  Nessel- 
rode,  and  Castlereagh  saw  the  necessity  for  unit- 
ing closely  and  firmly  against  Talleyrand's  in- 
terference. 

Hardenberg  urged  again  that  Austria  consent 
to  relinquish  Saxony  (October  2).  Metternich 
promised  this,  but  still  brought  forward  the  re- 
fusal of  Emperor  Francis,  which  the  latter  re- 
peated before  a  number  of  persons.  According 
to  the  reports  of  Herr  von  Alopeus  in  Berlin, 
the  King  of  Saxony  is  supposed  to  have  paid  an 
imposing  sum  of  money  to  Talleyrand.  His 
mendacity  is  known. 

The  czar  declared  that  if  the  King  of  Saxony 
did  not  voluntarily  relinquish  his  rights,  nothing 
remained  to  be  done  but  to  treat  him  according 
to  the  rule  of  the  vanquished  and  to  send  him 
to  Riga. 

In  the  conference  between  the  ministers  of 
the  allied  powers  it  was  decided  to  return  Talley- 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  357 

rand's  note  to  him  at  a  meeting  which  he  will  at- 
tend to-day,  and  to  insist  upon  the  acceptance  of 
the  one  placed  before  him  by  the  allied  powers. 

Empress  Elizabeth  informed  me  in  an  inter- 
view of  her  gratification  at  the  adverse  opinion 
that  I  expressed  in  Bruchsal  (in  July)  on  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Baden,  and  her  desire  to  advise 
him  on  his  future  conduct.  I  repeated  my 
anxiety  over  his  wilfulness  and  procrastination, 
advised  the  appointment  of  a  prime  minister  and 
the  formation  of  a  state  constitution,  and  pic- 
tured for  her  the  state  of  dissolution  of  Baden, 
which  was  in  strong  contrast  to  the  lawful  and 
orderly  situation  that  she  must  recall  from  her 
youth.  The  appearance  of  the  King  and  Queen 
of  Bavaria  interrupted  this  audience. 

The  agreement  of  the  ministers  in  the  confer- 
ence between  Talleyrand  and  the  allied  ministers 
induced  him  to  withdraw  his  proposal  of  Octo- 
ber 5,  but  not  the  note  which  he  presented,  as  the 
ministers  had  requested.  It  was  decided  to  re- 
fute his  claims  in  a  note.  Prince  Metternich  spoke 
with  decided  firmness,  and  Czar  Alexander  an- 
nounced his  approval  to  him  in  the  presence  of 
Emperor  Francis  at  a  ball  given  that  evening, 
and  assured  the  latter  that  he  was  faithful  to  the 


358    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

alliance  and  daily  ready  to  combat  any  opposition 
at  the  head  of  his  army. 

The  un-German  Montgelas  suggested  to  the 
Prussian  minister  in  Munich  that  the  princes  in 
Germany  be  left  to  stand  alone,  disunited,  as  in 
Italy,  and  that  if  a  constitution  was  adopted,  it 
should  be  entirely  with  a  view  of  a  confederation 
against  foreigners,  not  affecting  the  internal  af- 
fairs of  the  countries.  At  the  same  tim  3  he  sup- 
ported the  efforts  of  the  Saxons  to  get  their  king 
back. 

It  seems  that  Talleyrand's  conduct  is  more  a 
manifestation  of  his  hankering  for  intrigue  and 
for  confusing  others,  of  his  arrogance  and  of  his 
contempt  for  mankind,  than  the  will  of  Louis 
XVIII,  who,  according  to  the  repeated  reports 
of  Pozzo,  wishes  to  preserve  peace  and  unity. 
Talleyrand's  remarks  are  very  presumptuous  and 
biting;  until  now,  however,  he  has  done  nothing 
but  create  the  greatest  suspicion  and  strengthen 
the  determination  of  the  allies  to  hold  together. 

Czar  Alexander  attempted  to  put  an  end  to 
the  Polish  affair.  He  spoke  on  this  subject  to 
General  Knesebeck  in  a  peculiar  manner:  "Rus- 
sia's power  is  full  of  apprehension  for  Europe; 
yet  the  honor  of  the  nation  demands  increased 
territory  as  a  reward  for  its  sacrifices,  its  efforts, 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  359 

and  its  victories.  But  this  will  harm  no  one,  for 
when  Russian  Poland  is  united  and  receives  a  con- 
stitution and  its  own  military,  Russian  troops 
will  be  withdrawn,  and  Poland  thereby  will  have 
moderate  independence  from  Russia."  He  spoke 
this  with  feeling  that  did  honor  to  his  heart  and 
to  his  honorable  views. 

Talleyrand's  conduct  hastened  an  agreement 
of  the  powers  regarding  Poland  and  Germany 
and  appears  to  be  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  his 
king;  it  seems  that  he  is  led  to  it  by  his  passion 
for  dominating,  his  inclination  to  confound  oth- 
ers. 

October  7. — He  [Talleyrand]  presented  a 
project  for  a  circular  note  in  which  he  accepted 
the  one  drafted  by  Castlereagh,  with  the  amend- 
ment that  all  those  nations  were  to  be  recognized 
by  the  Congress  who  had  been  in  possession  of 
sovereignty  and  had  not  yet  abdicated. 

The  question  of  the  admission  of  Saxony  will 
be  debated  in  the  conference  on  the  eighth,  and 
turned  down. 

October  9. — According  to  the  remarks  of  the 
Crown  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg,  it  is  the  firm  de- 
termination of  the  King  of  Wiirtemberg  to  act 
jointly  with  Bavaria  against  every  attempt  to 
unite  Germany,  and  to  agree  to  an  alliance  for 
war  purposes  only.  Wrede  is  of  the  same  opin- 


360    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

ion.  The  King  of  Wiirtemberg  has  been  dis- 
couraged from  turning  to  France  by  the  declara- 
tion of  Czar  Alexander  that  he  will  not  permit 
France  to  mix  in  German  affairs  contrary  to  the 
Treaty  of  Paris,  and  through  the  protection 
which  the  Duke  of  Dalberg  appears  to  give  the 
mediatized  princes.  The  crown  prince  believes 
that  unity  and  firmness  on  the  part  of  the  allied 
powers  will  remove  these  obstacles,  and  I  advised 
him  to  speak  with  the  Czar  of  Russia  on  the  need 
of  binding  Germany  closely  together,  so  that 
southern  Germany  will  not  be  able  to  break  away 
from  the  rest  and  throw  itself  wholly  into  the 
arms  of  France. 

October  12. — The  ministers  of  the  allied  pow- 
ers advise  Count  Miinster  to  declare  Hanover  a 
kingdom,  to  prevent  new  demands  being  made 
on  the  ground  of  participation  in  the  preliminary 
German  committee.  He  decided  to  do  so,  and  is 
sending  a  circular  to  the  allied  powers.  A  great 
title  for  a  small  and  poor  country.  The  first 
meeting  of  the  German  committee  will  take  place 
on  October  14. 

Pozzo  arrived  from  Paris  on  the  thirteenth, 
and  confirmed  everything  that  he  had  previously 
reported.  Increasing  stability  in  the  Govern- 
ment ;  the  peaceful  attitude  of  the  king ;  the  gen- 
eral desire  of  the  nation  to  enjoy  peace;  turbu- 


POLAND 'AND  SAXONY  361 

lence  in  the  army ;  efforts  of  the  factions  to  keep 
up  the  ferment.  They  hope  for  the  disruption 
of  the  Congress  and  new  wars.  The  king  com- 
manded Vandamme  [one  of  Napoleon's  famous 
generals]  to  leave  the  Tuileries,  and  as  he  took  a 
seat  in  the  anteroom  a  huissier  indicated  that  he 
would  have  him  taken  out  by  two  non-commis- 
sioned officers;  he  then  left.  Davout  has  been 
sent  to  the  country ;  the  marshals  demanded  that 
judgment  be  passed  on  him  in  the  regular  man- 
ner. The  king  replied  that  he  intended  to  act  ac- 
cording to  the  statutes,  but  recognized  no  corps  of 
marshals.  The  finances  are  in  good  condition; 
the  arrears  in  pay  of  the  army  is  confirmed;  the 
minister  of  war  paid  in  the  months  from  June  to 
September  inclusive  45,000,000  [francs?]  to  the 
minister  of  war ;  the  number  of  officers  is  35,000, 
the  number  of  discharged  officials  is  14,000. 

October  13. — Lord  Castlereagh  yesterday  pre- 
sented a  memorandum  on  the  Polish  affairs  to 
the  czar  and  had  a  lively  interview;  he  stuck  to 
his  opinion.  The  articles  of  the  agreement  of 
June  27,  1813,  seem  to  have  confused  him;  he 
was  silent  for  a  time  and  said:  "Je  remplirai  ex- 
actement  ce  traite.  Je  donnerai  a  1'Autriche  les 
salines  de  Wieliczka"  ["I  will  fulfil  this  treaty 
scrupulously.  I  will  give  Austria  the  salt-mines 
of  Wieliczka"].  He  adhered  to  his  plan  for  a 


362    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

constitution.  The  czar  did  not  give  this  memo- 
randum to  Nesselrode.  Lord  Castlereagh  gave 
him  a  second  memorandum  in  which  he  proposed 
a  compromise  in  order  to  give  the  Poles  certain 
constitutional  advantages. 

October  16. — Many  believe  that  the  czar  wishes 
only  to  give  the  impression  of  supporting  the 
Poles  in  their  proposals  because  he  made  them 
promises,  and  raised  their  hopes;  he  expected, 
however,  severe  and  determined  opposition  from 
his  allies  and  meant  to  use  this  to  excuse  himself 
to  the  Poles  if  he  did  not  fulfil  his  promises,  the 
seriousness  of  which  he  recognized.  This  view 
was  expressed  by  the  Duke  of  Serra  Capriola  up- 
on his  arrival  from  St.  Petersburg;  also  by 
Prince  Peter  Wolkonskij.  The  czar  has  given 
Castlereagh's  first  memorandum  to  Prince  Czar- 
toryski  for  reply,  and  not  to  Nesselrode;  he  also 
discussed  the  contents  of  my  letter  with  him. 
Czartoryski  could  not  hide  his  ill  will  toward  me 
when  he  met  me  at  a  concert,  and  said  to  Anstet- 
ten:  "On  attaque  1'empereur  de  toute  part;  il 
faut  le  fortifier  et  nous  defendre"  ["The  em- 
peror is  being  attacked  on  all  sides;  it  is  neces- 
sary to  protect  him  and  to  defend  ourselves"]. 

October  17. — Metternich  has  at  last  agreed  to 
our  taking  possession  of  Saxony.  Hardenberg 
refused  my  proposal  to  send  Prince  William  to 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  363 

Dresden  at  once  and  accepted  the  plan  of  sending 
Minister  Reck  instead.  The  czar  has  not  yet  ac- 
cepted the  protocol  of  September. 

October  18. — This  acceptance  came  to-day, 
shortly  before  the  military  festival.  It  was  most 
dazzling,  the  troops  pleasing,  the  arrangements 
for  the  whole  excellent;  the  impression  which  the 
whole  scene  made  when  viewed  from  the  balcony 
of  the  pavilion  was  imposing  and  beautiful. 
The  Crown  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg,  wrho  observed 
the  czar,  believed  that  the  latter  was  annoyed  by 
all  this ;  in  the  bearing  of  the  troops,  in  the  lively 
participation  of  the  spectators,  in  the  abundance 
shown  everywhere,  he  found  something  contrary 
to  his  idea  of  the  weakness  of  Austria,  which  dis- 
turbed his  high  ideas  of  invincibility. 

I  found  the  czar  on  October  19  reflective  and 
uncommunicative.  Since  the  fall  of  Paris,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  his  attitude  has  expressed  less 
friendliness,  frankness,  and  sociability. 

I  asked  him  what  he  had  commanded  Prince 
Repnin  to  do  now,  as  the  latter  would  soon 
leave  Saxony,  and  whether  he  would  come  here. 
He  said,  "Yes,"  and  spoke  with  satisfaction  of 
Repnin's  administration  of  affairs.  At  my  re- 
mark that  Repnin  deserved  to  be  given  active 
wrork,  and  that  perhaps  there  wras  an  opportunity 
in  Esthonia,  as  Prince  August  of  Oldenburg  in- 


tended  to  leave,  he  replied  that  it  was  his  inten- 
tion to  use  Prince  Repnin  in  the  interior  of  Rus- 
sia, as  he  had  familiarized  himself  with  business 
methods  and  arrangements  which  could  to  some 
extent  be  applied  there.  I  besought  him  to  sug- 
gest to  the  king  [Frederick  William  of  Prussia] 
that  he  send  Prince  William  to  Saxony  at  once  as 
governor,  which  he  promised  to  do.  After  a 
short  pause  he  said: 

"You  have  written  me  about  Poland ;  why  have 
you,  who  show  such  liberal  ideas  on  every  oc- 
casion, proposed  others  so  different  in  this  case?" 

"It  seemed  to  me,  Sire,  that  it  was  necessary  to 
modify  the  principles  to  be  applied  in  accordance 
with  the  nature  of  the  object  to  which  they  are 
to  be  applied;  and  I  fear  that  this  Poland  will 
be  for  you  nothing  but  a  source  of  annoyance  and 
opposition.  It  lacks  a  third  estate,  which  in  all 
civilized  lands  is  the  basis  of  culture,  of  manners, 
and  of  the  riches  of  a  nation.  Poland  has  only  a 
small,  ignorant,  and  turbulent  nobility  and  Jews ; 
and  it  is  this  lack  of  a  third  estate  that  handicaps 
you  in  your  plans  of  organization  in  Russia." 

"That  is  true;  but  in  the  former  Duchy  of 
Warsaw  affairs  prospered  very  well." 

"Most  imperfectly;  for  Napoleon  oppressed 
them  and  forced  them  to  go  in  one  direction 
only." 

"I  shall  try  to  place  them  under  discipline,  and 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  365 

in  addition  I  have  not  yet  decided  upon  the  meth- 
od of  giving  a  constitution  to  these  people,  who 
have  worked  so  hard  to  preserve  their  national- 

ity." 

He  then  continued,  and  said  that  everything 
was  uniting  against  him.  Even  Talleyrand  was 
intriguing,  but  had  failed  of  his  object,  having 
stirred  up  all  the  allies,  the  Prussians  about  Sax- 
ony, himself  about  Poland,  and  the  Austrians 
about  Italy.  This,  however,  had  only  aroused 
general  suspicion  against  him.  I  assured  him 
that  certainly  none  of  the  allied  ministers  had 
intrigued  with  Talleyrand;  to  which  he  agreed, 
being  doubtful  only  about  Metternich,  whom  he 
discussed  with  bitterness.  Then  he  repeated  his 
determination  to  maintain  peace  and  unity,  and 
dismissed  me  in  the  most  friendly  fashion. 

The  Crown  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg  discussed 
German  affairs  with  me.  He  declared  that  his 
father  had  held  a  conference  on  this  subject  in 
his  presence  and  was  not  satisfied  with  the  pro- 
posals of  Austria  and  Prussia;  he  expressed  the 
opinion  that  it  [the  German  confederation]  was 
a  shapeless  mass,  without  cohesion,  and  that  it 
would  please  nobody.  He  recommended  more 
emphasis  upon  and  faithfulness  to  the  basic  prin- 
ciples. He  was  concerned  only  about  Metternich, 
because  of  his  frivolity  and  his  wrong  view  that 


366    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

he  could  win  Bavaria  by  concessions  and  through 
Bavaria  could  rule  southern  Germany.  He  re- 
lated at  the  same  time  that  the  Poles  had  pro- 
posed that  he  place  himself  at  their  head;  he  an- 
swered them,  "Qu'il  netait  point  un  aventurier 
illustre,  que  sa  position  etait  tres  agreable,  qu'il 
aimait  I'independance  et  ne  voulait  point  la  per- 
dre,  pout  dependre  d'une  femme,  de  ses  voisins  et 
d'wie  nation  turbulente"  ["That  he  was  not  in 
any  manner  an  illustrious  adventurer,  that  his 
position  was  most  agreeable,  that  he  loved  inde- 
pendence, and  did  not  wish  to  lose  it  in  order  to 
be  dependent  upon  a  woman,  her  neighbors,  and 
a  turbulent  nation"]. 

The  czar  spoke  some  time  ago  about  his  Polish 
plans  with  Count  Capo  d'Istria  and  told  him  that 
he  would  give  the  country  a  constitution  and  or- 
der the  Russian  Army  to  retire,  and  thereby 
would  avoid  stirring  up  the  envy  of  his  neighbors. 
He  asked  Capo  d'Istria  for  his  opinion,  since  he 
had  opportunity  to  become  acquainted  with  Po- 
land while  the  companion  of  Admiral  Tschit- 
schagoff.  Even  at  that  time  the  czar  had  com- 
manded the  admiral  [in  September,  October,  and 
November,  1812]  to  prolmise  the  Poles  their 
freedom  and  to  call  upon  them  to  desert  the 
French;  but  he  had  hesitated  about  giving  out 
proclamations  because  he  would  cause  ill  feeling 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  367 

among  his  countrymen,  the  Russians.  Capo 
d'Istria  replied  that  he  considered  Poland,  which 
lacked  a  middle  class,  as  incapacitated  for  free- 
dom, and  that  the  czar  would  arouse  fears  of  in- 
ternal upheavals  among  all  his  neighbors  if  he 
proclaimed  it  in  Poland. 

October  20. — Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg  gave 
their  views  on  the  plan  [for  a  German  confedera- 
tion] to  the  conference.  They  wished  no  house 
of  princes,  no  nobility,  no  internal  guaranties  by 
the  confederation,  no  enlargement  of  the  powers 
of  the  commander-in-chief  during  war. 

October  21. — Count  Miinster  presented  a  doc- 
ument opposing  the  statement  of  Bavaria  and 
Wiirtemberg  in  the  spirit  of  my  writing  of  Octo- 
ber 20.  I  advised  Count  Keller  and  Herr  von 
Marshall  [representative  of  the  Duke  of  Nassau 
and  the  Prince  of  Xassau,  who  had  been  mem- 
bers of  the  confederation  of  the  Rhine]  not  to 
allow  themselves  to  be  led  astray,  but  to  hold  fast 
to  Austria,  Prussia,  and  Hanover,  from  whom 
alone  they  could  expect  protection  and  help. 

October  23. — Prince  Metternich  declared  him- 
self in  writing  against  the  relinquishment  of  Sax- 
ony to  Prussia.  He  agreed  under  these  condi- 
tions: first,  a  more  detailed  determination  of  the 
boundaries;  secondly,  that  Mayence  belong  to 
the  south  German  defense  system ;  third,  that  the 


368    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Moselle  be  the  boundary  between  the  Prussian 
possessions  and  those  of  the  other  German 
princes.  Mayence  belongs  to  the  defense  system 
of  all  Germany,  not  to  a  part  of  it;  if  Bavaria 
wants  a  strategic  military  center,  it  should  use 
Mannheim  or  Philippsburg.  It  is  above  all  not 
in  a  position  to  defend  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine 
alone  against  France.  Austria  is  seeking  May- 
ence so  energetically  because  Bavaria  makes  its 
acquisition  a  condition  for  giving  up  the  Inn  dis- 
trict and  Salzburg. 

A  military  committee  for  German  military  af- 
fairs has  been  formed,  composed  of  the  Crown 
Prince  of  Wiirtemberg,  Wrede,  Radetzky, 
Knesebeck,  and  a  Hanoverian.  The  question  of 
Mayence  will  be  considered  in  this  committee. 
Wrede  proposed  to  postpone  it  until  the  relation 
of  Germany  to  Switzerland  and  the  Netherlands 
had  been  decided  upon. 

The  czar  called  Anstetten  on  the  twentieth  and 
handed  him  a  reply  to  the  memorandum  of  Lord 
Castlereagh,  drawn  up  by  Czartoryski,  which 
contained  profuse  marginalia,  some  of  it  in  his 
own  hand,  and  commanded  him  to  make  a  com- 
plete document  of  it.  He  expressed  his  dis- 
pleasure at  the  disinclination  of  Nesselrode  to 
treat  the  Polish  plans  according  to  his  own  view 
and  to  support  them;  he  told  him  [Anstetten] 
that  he  did  not  intend  to  interfere  in  German  af- 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  369 

fairs,  and  became  angered  when  he  declared  how 
he  had  agreed  to  the  demands  of  others  for  terri- 
tory, but  how  his  own  modest  demands  were  op- 
posed by  every  one. 

Russia  has  produced  168,000,000  rubles  [$84,- 
000,000]  worth  of  paper  money,  dated  1812, 
1813,  1814,  to  meet  the  cost  of  the  war. 

October  24. — Interview  of  the  Crown  Prince 
of  Wiirtemberg  with  the  chancellor  and  myself; 
he  declared  he  had  succeeded  in  convincing  the 
king  (of  Wiirtemberg)  that  it  was  to  his  in- 
terest to  join  Germany  and  to  withdraw  support 
from  Bavaria,  which  sooner  or  later  would  op- 
press him.  The  king  declared  himself  favorably 
inclined  toward  this  view,  and  on  October  25  said 
to  his  personal  physician:  "Dear  Hardegg,  it 
seems  that  we  dare  not  object  to  anything.  Soon 
we  will  have  to  apologize  for  being  Wiirtem- 
bergers;  but  God  will  help  me."  Wrede  de- 
clared to  Herr  von  Linden  that  it  was  necessary 
to  unite  and  act  jointly.  The  natural  ally  for 
both  sides,  however,  was  France;  France  would 
soon  rise  again. 

Czar  Alexander  had  a  violent  interview  with 
Prince  Metternich  on  Poland ;  he  accused  him  of 
being  solely  opposed  to  all  his  plans  and  that  he 
was  being  criticized  by  the  local  public.  Metter- 


370    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

nich  replied  that  he  did  not  know  how  to  answer 
the  czar,  for  he  combined  the  qualities  of  both 
sovereign  and  minister. 

Czar  Alexander  declared  to  many  women  of 
local  society  without  reservation  his  revulsion 
toward  Metternich  and  his  plan  to  revive  Poland. 
To  the  old  Princess  Metternich  he  said,  fc Je  me- 
prise  tout  homme  qui  ne  porte  point  I'uniforme" 
["I  look  down  on  every  man  who  does  not  wear 
a  uniform"],  and  to  another  woman  he  said,  "II 
ne  faut  point  que  vous  soyez  liee  avec  un  scribe" 
["It  is  not  at  all  necessary  that  you  should  be  ac- 
quainted with  a  writer"].  He  influenced  the 
Duchess  of  Sagan  to  break  her  relations  with 
Prince  Metternich  completely. 

Gentz  showed  a  memorandum  to  the  crown 
prince  in  which  he  set  forth  that  Austria  must 
unite  with  southern  Germany  and  France  to 
keep  intact  the  balance  of  power  against  Russia, 
as  the  latter  would  always  involve  Prussia  and 
northern  Germany  in  its  interests.  From  this 
he  deduced  that  Mayence  would  have  to  pass  into 
Bavarian  hands.  The  crown  prince  contradicted 
him.  I  informed  him  of  the  perniciousness  of  a 
system  which  would  destroy  the  unity  of  Ger- 
many, toward  which  we  were  working.  Place 
the  southern  part  of  Germany  under  the  influ- 
ence of  France  and  the  northern  part  under  the 
influence  of  Russia,  and  continue  an  unholy  divi- 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  371 

sion  between  Prussia  and  Austria.  By  means  of 
it  France  would  have  new  opportunity  for  carry- 
ing out  its  intentions  against  Belgium  and  the 
left  bank  of  the  Rhine. 

The  King  of  Wurtemberg  is  confirmed  in  his 
apprehensions  of  Bavaria.  He  will  not  make 
common  cause  with  Bavaria,  and  therefore  wants 
Mayence.  Bavaria  therefore  stands  isolated  if 
Austria  adheres  firmly  to  Germany,  and  if  it 
will  not  agree  to  favorable  conditions,  it  can  be 
left  entirely  outside  the  confederation. 

The  seizure  of  Saxony  by  Prussia  is  making  a 
great  uproar  in  Vienna;  it  is  loudly  criticized, 
and  no  one  takes  into  consideration  that  it  fol- 
lows from  the  application  of  the  right  of  con- 
quest, based  on  the  present  European  situation. 
Saxony  was  conquered  in  a  just  war;  its  fate 
could  be  determined,  therefore,  according  to  the 
reasonable  verdict  of  the  conquerors.  A  factor 
in  this  decision  was  the  obligation  that  Prussia 
agreed  to  wTith  Russia,  in  the  Treaty  of  Kalish, 
to  restore  it  to  its  condition  in  1806.  This  could 
not  have  been  fulfilled  other  than  by  turning 
Saxony  over  to  Prussia,  for  Russia  wished  to 
keep  the  largest  part  of  the  Prussian  provinces. 
The  German  princes  had  their  possessions  guar- 
anteed to  them  by  the  individual  treaties, — which 
left  the  markgraves  in  the  hands  of  Bavaria,— 


372    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

and  the  remainder  could  not  well  be  drawn  on 
for  the  benefit  of  Prussia.  Prussia  had  even  been 
moved  by  England  to  give  up  part  of  its  lands 
for  the  benefit  of  Hanover. 

October  29  to  November  7. — Polish  affairs. 
During  the  stay  of  the  monarchs  in  Of  en  ( Buda- 
pest, Hungary)  the  Czar  of  Russia  tried  to  win 
the  Emperor  of  Austria  over  to  his  plan.  He 
told  him  of  the  difficulties  which  Metternich 
made  for  him  in  the  Polish  affair  and  his  wish  to 
ally  himself  with  the  emperor  in  order  to  prevent 
all  possibility  of  a  war.  Emperor  Francis  as- 
sured him  that  the  declarations  of  his  ministers 
wholly  represented  his  own  views;  in  case  war 
came,  he  preferred  to  have  it  now  rather  than 
"d'etre  reveille  dans  son  premier  sommeil"  ["to 
be  awakened  from  his  first  sleep"]. 

On  the  return  trip  the  czar  rode  in  the  same 
carriage  with  the  king.  The  former  tried  to  con- 
vert the  latter  to  his  view  in  the  Polish  question ; 
the  latter  listened  for  a  long  time,  and  finally  an- 
swered nothing  except  that  he  hoped  the  czar 
would  change  his  views. 

Castlereagh  had  accompanied  his  memoran- 
dum with  a  note  in  which  he  pointed  out  to  the 
czar  how  his  demands  were  contrary  to  the  agree- 
ments of  June  27  to  September  5.  These  de- 
mands set  forth  that,  after  the  restoration  of  the 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  373 

kingdom  [of  Poland]  the  boundary-line  be 
drawn  through  Thorn,  Kalish,  Czenstochowa, 
and  Cracow,  comprising  the  Duchy  of  Warsaw 
and  the  old  Russian  Polish  provinces.  The  czar 
caused  both  memoranda  to  be  answered  by  Czar- 
toryski  and  Anstetten,  but  did  not  give  Castle- 
reagh  his  answer  until  after  his  return  to  Vienna. 
In  the  meantime  Metternich  and  Hardenberg 
had  agreed  to  turn  over  the  mediation  in  this 
matter  to  Lord  Castlereagh  and  to  give  him  an 
idea  of  how  he  was  to  conduct  himself  at  the 
negotiations.  It  was  decided  to  offer  him  (the 
czar)  either  the  restoration  of  Poland  as  it  was 
in  1791,  or  to  insist  upon  a  new  and  satisfactory 
division  in  which  Russia  would  take  Thorn  and 
Cracow  to  the  Neva. 

Upon  the  return  of  the  monarchs  from  Ofen, 
Metternich  demanded  that  the  Polish  question 
be  discussed  in  a  council,  for  the  increasing  dis- 
satisfaction with  his  management  of  affairs  by 
the  public  in  the  interior  caused  apprehension. 

The  emperor  named  Metternich,  Schwarzen- 
berg,  and  Stadion  for  this  council,  and  accord- 
ing to  its  decision  Prussia  was  asked  whether  it 
wished  to  make  common  cause  with  Austria,  and 
also  was  called  upon  to  explain  whether  it  agreed 
to  the  constitution  of  1772  or  of  1791,  and  sug- 
gested the  Vistula  as  the  boundary.  Austria  in- 


374    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

tended  to  give  Prussia  the  left  bank  of  the  Vis- 
tula as  reparation,  and  thereby  save  Saxony. 

The  czar  attempted  to  restore  good  relations 
with  Metternich  through  the  Duchess  of  Sagan, 
and  became  restive  because  of  the  united  action 
of  Austria,  Prussia,  and  England.  He  at- 
tempted to  deal  with  them  singly;  began  with 
Prussia,  arranged  a  meeting  with  the  king  and 
the  chancellor,  complained  of  the  difficulties  that 
were  placed  in  the  way  of  his  reasonable  de- 
mands and  of  the  attempts  to  divide  Russia  and 
Prussia.  In  secret  he  had  proposed  to  make  con- 
cessions in  the  case  of  Poland  if  the  king  would 
permit  the  restoration  of  Saxony;  he  declared 
that  the  boundaries  which  he  demanded  were  not 
dangerous,  etc. 

The  king  agreed  with  him  for  the  most  part, 
and  the  chancellor  objected  in  vain;  he  forbade 
him  to  discuss  the  matter  farther  in  common  with 
Austria  and  England.  The  chancellor  was 
greatly  wounded  by  this  weak  and  incomprehen- 
sible conduct  of  the  king,  and  informed  Lord 
Castlereagh  of  what  had  taken  place,  and  sought 
to  prevail  on  him  to  withhold  his  note,  which  was 
in  the  form  of  a  dry  refutation,  but  which,  how- 
ever, he  presented  on  November  6.  The  conduct 
of  the  king  [he  set  forth]  aroused  great  dis- 
pleasure. 

It   appears   that   England   wishes   to   desert 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  375 

Prussia  only  in  the  Saxon  affair.  Prussia  is  ac- 
cused of  deserting  the  cause  of  European  inde- 
pendence in  order  to  receive  Saxony.  Austria, 
France,  and  England  would  have  to  unite  the 
more  closely  as  a  counter  weight  to  the  pre- 
ponderance of  Russia,  because  Prussia  at  present 
was  wholly  on  that  side. 

The  chancellor  attempted  to  bring  Metternich 
and  Castlereagh  to  more  moderate  views.  He 
asked  me  whether  it  was  wise  to  advocate  a  war 
now.  I  replied  in  the  negative,  as  Russia  had  an 
army  of  250,000  Russians  and  38,000  Poles, 
ready  to  fight,  standing  between  the  Vistula  and 
the  Warthe,  whereas  the  Prussian  and  Austrian 
armies  were  scattered  in  Germany,  Italy,  etc. 
The  Russian  army  in  Holstein  threatened  north- 
ern Germany.  All  states  [I  continued]  were 
exhausted;  everywhere  there  was  ill  will;  in- 
creased bitterness  in  Germany  and  Italy.  In 
France  the  disaffected  people  would  raise  their 
heads,  in  Italy  they  would  get  help  from  Murat. 
Peace  was  needed  in  order  to  calm  everything 
and  to  bring  security.  Russia  in  the  meantime 
would  have  its  Polish  affairs  to  look  after ;  would 
need  to  demobilize  its  armies,  and  would  have 
trouble  to  raise  them  again  after  several  years, 
because  the  means  by  which  it  now  waged  war 
would  no  longer  be  at  its  disposal;  namely,  in- 
creasing its  supply  of  paper  money,  English 


376    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

credits,  and  requisitions.  The  country  [I  said] 
was  greatly  affected,  as  it  had  raised  1,763,000 
recruits  since  1805. 

The  czar  spoke  to  me  on  November  5.  I  gave 
him  my  note  of  November  4  concerning  German 
affairs,  the  progress  of  the  conferences,  as  well 
as  the  draft  of  a  confidential  note  to  the  Prussian 
and  Austrian  ministers.  He  read  it  with  atten- 
tion, and  suggested  that  it  be  presented  by  Nes- 
selrode.  With  justice  he  found  it  too  general 
and  too  bitter,  and  on  November  6  told  Count 
Nesselrode  that  he  should  abridge  the  note,  make 
it  milder  in  tone,  and  present  it.  I  therefore 
changed  it  on  November  7. 

Nesselrode  had  consulted  Metternich  and 
Gentz.  The  former  assured  him  that  the  Ger- 
man affairs  were  making  good  progress  and  that 
he  would  therefore  withhold  the  note.  I  urged 
emphatically  that  he  present  it  (November  9), 
which  he  then  did. 

At  the  interview  of  November  5  the  czar  be- 
gan to  speak  on  his  own  initiative  on  the  Polish 
affair.  He  knew  that  I  had  spoken  critically  of 
his  conduct  (on  November  3)  to  the  Duchess  of 
Oldenburg  and  said,  "Vous  vous  etes  aussi  range 
du  cote  de  mes  ennemis;  a  quoi  je  ne  m'attendais 
pas"  ["You  also  have  placed  yourself  in  the 
ranks  of  my  enemies;  I  had  not  expected  that"]. 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  377 

I  replied  that  his  neighbors  had  reason  to  be  ap- 
prehensive on  the  subject  of  his  royal  title  [as 
King  of  Poland],  his  constitution,  and  the  bound- 
aries. He  replied  with  a  recital  of  what  he  had 
done  for  Europe;  how  he  had  carried  on  a  dan- 
gerous war,  risked  his  life,  acquiesced  in  the  en- 
largement of  Austria  in  Italy,  had  left  Saxony 
to  Prussia.  On  such  unselfish,  trusting  founda- 
tions he  had  built  up  the  strength  of  the  alliance ; 
now,  however,  he  felt  himself  the  object  of  mis- 
trust and  of  envy,  and  his  most  reasonable  de- 
mands were  opposed.  He  said  he  needed  Cracow 
and  Thorn  in  order  to  protect  his  Polish  posses- 
sions on  the  left  bank  of  the  Vistula.  Every- 
thing, he  said,  united  against  him.  England, 
which  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  matter,  ap- 
peared on  the  scene;  I  should  use  my  influence 
[he  said]  to  lead  Hardenberg  to  deal  alone  with 
Russia  in  this  case  and  not  to  make  common  cause 
with  Austria  against  him.  Austria  had  pro- 
posed, he  said,  to  concede  everything  in  Polish 
affairs  if  he  kept  Saxony  from  Prussia.  It  was 
intended  to  form  a  coalition  against  him;  he  had 
already  observed  this  in  Paris  and  would  have 
to  take  corresponding  measures. 

Through  this  Polish  matter  the  business  of  the 
Congress  has  become  disrupted  and  weakened, 
and  the  seed  of  envy  has  been  scattered  among 
the  nations,  visiting  its  damaging  results  on  all 


378    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

affairs,  bringing  about  coldness  between  Prussia 
and  Russia,  which  hinders  determined  action  in 
German  affairs,  and  allows  Bavaria  and  Wiir- 
temberg  to  promote  their  selfish  plans.  The  czar 
appears  in  the  light  of  having  misused  the  confi- 
dence which  his  allies  gave  him  in  order  to  post- 
pone the  settlement  of  the  Polish  question  to  a 
time  when  he  had  prepared  everything  to  his  own 
advantage  and  had  taken  a  threatening  and  de- 
termined position.  He  causes  mistrust  in  Eu- 
rope, leads  the  King  of  Prussia  away  from  the 
common  interests  of  Europe,  and  injures  his  own 
people  by  giving  Poland  rights  in  precedence 
[of  Russia],  thus  disrupting  the  unity  of  admin- 
istration. 

November  19. — The  czar  clings  to  his  opinion ; 
he  will  not  even  listen  to  his  sister,  the  Grand 
Duchess  Catharine,  and  tells  her  "que  son  hon- 
neur  y  etait  engage"  ["that  his  honor  is  at  stake 
here"].  He  allowed  Grand  Duke  Constantine 
to  leave  for  Warsaw  ( November  9 )  with  the  ob- 
ject  of  increasing  the  Polish  army  to  70,000  men. 

The  marriage  of  the  Crown  Prince  of  Wiir- 
temberg  and  Grand  Duchess  Catharine  has  been 
decided  on;  the  consent  of  the  empress  dowager 
was  received  through  the  agency  of  the  czar. 
She  has  sacrificed  her  alliance  with  Grand  Duke 
Karl  [of  Austria]  and  her  establishment  in  Rus- 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  379 

sia  for  the  crown  prince,  who  won  her  favor  dur- 
ing a  stay  in  London.  The  czar  had  much  confi- 
dence in  her  and  love  for  her;  it  had  diminished, 
however,  because  of  an  incident  in  Russia  in 
1812.  When  the  French  advanced,  a  passionate 
bitterness  against  the  czar  became  manifest;  the 
people  attributed  the  misfortune  of  the  country 
to  him  and  to  the  nobility  in  the  governments  of 
Jaroslav,  Twer,  etc.,  and  demanded  of  the  grand 
duchess,  who  was  then  in  Jaroslav,  that  she  place 
herself  at  their  head  and  seize  the  government. 

The  departure  of  the  King  [of  Prussia]  from 
the  plan  agreed  on  strengthened  the  czar  in  his 
decision,  embittered  England  and  Austria  and 
led  to  new  indecision  in  the  case  of  Saxony.  Har- 
denberg  attempted  to  convince  Castlereagh  in  a 
memorandum  that  it  was  not  advisable  to  begin 
war  at  this  time.  Castlereagh  expressed  the 
opinion  that  Prussia  should  attempt  to  mediate 
with  Russia,  as  the  czar  was  too  embittered  to- 
ward him.  Minister  also  supported  this  view  se- 
cretly. Stewart  and  Pozzo,  however,  spoke  of 
dividing  Europe;  on  the  one  hand  Russia  and 
Prussia,  on  the  other  the  remainder  of  Europe. 
A  similar  view  was  expressed  by  Metternich  to 
the  Crown  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg  on  November 
11;  he  told  him  that  Austria  would  risk  a  great 
deal  in  the  game.  The  latter  replied  that  a 


380    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

statesman  should  avoid  such  risks.  Schwarzen- 
berg  is  against  the  war  and  against  giving  up 
Mayence  to  Bavaria. 

November  14. — Prince  Metternich  asked 
Chancellor  Hardenberg  in  an  official  note  to  ob- 
tain a  definite  declaration  from  Russia  about  the 
boundaries  which  it  insisted  upon,  and  the  guar- 
anty it  would  give  for  keeping  peace  in  the 
Polish  Austrian  provinces  and  in  the  rest  of 
Europe,  if  Russia  gave  a  constitution  in  its  part 
[of  Poland].  The  document  at  the  same  time 
contains  the  accusation  that  Prussia  does  not 
favor  united  action.  The  chancellor  means  to 
have  an  interview  with  the  czar  on  this  subject. 

Prince  Wrede  tried  to  influence  the  chancellor 
to  be  satisfied  with  a  part  of  Saxony,  but  he  re- 
fused to  enter  into  a  discussion.  Count  Munster 
also  recommended  and  supported  this  idea,  but 
as  a  means  of  settlement  and  not  to  hinder  Prus- 
sia's plans  of  annexation  (November  17). 

An  article  in  the  "Mercury"  on  October  31  on 
the  situation  at  the  Congress  caused  an  unfavora- 
ble impression.  Prince  Wrede  and  the  Wiirtem- 
berg  delegate  criticized  it  loudly. 

The  Crown  Prince  [of  Wiirtemberg]  had  an 
interview  with  the  czar  on  November  16,  and  the 
latter  discussed  the  note  on  Germany's  affairs 
and  promised  him  that  he  would  carry  out  its 
requests  and  also  would  not  give  his  consent  to 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  381 

the  cession  of  Mayence  to  Bavaria.  The  crown 
prince  led  the  conversation  to  the  situation  in 
general,  expressed  his  anxiety  at  the  tension  be- 
tween the  allies,  at  the  danger  that  grew  out  of 
this  for  Germany,  and  at  the  complications  for 
Russia  if  it  became  embroiled  with  all  the  Euro- 
pean powrers.  England,  he  declared,  would  be 
especially  dangerous  for  Russia. 

The  czar  justified  his  conduct  by  speaking  of 
the  right  he  had  to  the  gratitude  of  Europe,  of 
the  alacrity  with  which  he  supported  the  welfare 
of  his  allies,  of  the  need  of  providing  safety  for 
his  empire  by  preparing  a  secure  boundary,  of 
the  impossibility  of  repudiating  the  promises 
which  he  had  given  his  subjects  in  St.  Petersburg. 
He  said  he  knew  that  Metternich  was  trying  to 
stir  every  one  up  against  him  and  to  separate 
him  from  Prussia;  he  had  means  of  conciliating 
England,  such  as  offers  of  special  trade  privi- 
leges, etc.  When  he  left  the  czar  he  was  con- 
vinced that  the  latter  would  hold  fast  to  his 
resolution. 

The  czar  was  principally  concerned  about 
making  sure  of  Prussia;  he  continued  his  efforts 
to  feed  the  mistrust  between  Prussia  and  Aus- 
tria. He  told  the  King  of  Prussia  that  Talley- 
rand had  informed  him  in  an  interview  on  No- 
vember 15  that  Prince  Metternich  had  said  Aus- 
tria would  make  concessions  in  the  Polish  matter 


382    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

if  Russia  would  separate  from  Prussia.  He  even 
authorized  the  king  to  publish  this  fact.  Met- 
ternich  denied  it,  and  this  resulted  in  personal 
reproaches.  Talleyrand's  interview  was  pe- 
culiar. 

November  18  to  23. — The  czar  withdrew  his 
confidence  from  Nesselrode  because  of  his  rela- 
tions with  Metternich  and  Gentz;  he  put  the 
management  of  the  Polish  affair  entirely  into 
the  hands  of  Czartoryski,  who  called  on  Capo 
d'Istria  for  aid,  as  Anstetten  had  departed. 
Capo  d'Istria  is  a  man  who  possesses  shrewdness, 
refinement,  moderation,  and  poise.  His  mind  is 
cultivated,  his  character  charming,  his  manner 
pleasing. 

In  the  interview  which  he  had  with  the  czar 
he  drew  attention  to  the  fact  that  Poland  lacked 
all  the  elements  necessary  for  a  constitution,  that 
his  attitude  toward  his  allies  was  too  changeable, 
that  he  kept  distant  from  him  those  who  had 
served  him  faithfully,  and  thereby  distressed  and 
even  embittered  them.  The  czar  referred  to  the 
reply  to  Castlereagh,  which  was  written  in  a 
more  moderate  tone. 

Czartoryski  then  had  several  interviews  with 
Chancellor  Hardenberg  and  later  also  with  me. 
He  requested  me  to  approach  the  czar;  he  said 
that  the  czar  was  sensitive  to  my  behavior  and  to 
the  fact  that  I  kept  aloof.  I  replied:  the  czar 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY 

was  to  some  extent  occupied  and  partly  wander- 
ing, and  without  having  definite  business  with 
him  I  could  not  take  his  time.  Nevertheless,  I 
reported  to  him  on  the  twentieth,  and  he  asked 
me  to  visit  him  that  evening. 

He  had  been  ailing  since  the  sixteenth  with 
an  affection  of  the  foot,  and  had  sustained  sev- 
eral attacks  of  fever,  and  I  found  him  lying  on 
a  sofa,  suffering  slightly  and  rather  tired.  He 
received  me  in  the  most  friendly  manner,  and 
began  to  talk  about  the  situation  in  general.  He 
said  that  Metternich  was  trying  to  confuse 
everything,  but  that  this  also  appeared  to  be 
the  object  of  the  English.  Emperor  Francis  ex- 
hibited a  friendly  attitude,  and  confided  in  him. 
I  remarked  that  I  did  not  think  the  English  de- 
sired war,  since  the  burdens  on  the  people  were 
great  and  demanded  alleviation;  the  points  still 
in  dispute  seemed  to  me  due  more  to  selfish  in- 
terests than  germane  to  Russia  or  to  Austria. 
Cracow,  I  continued,  was  important  for  Russia, 
but  not  to  the  extent  that  it  justified  a  war  in 
present  circumstances.  I  felt  that  Russia  could 
do  without  it,  and  Prussia  probably  would  come 
to  an  understanding  regarding  Thorn. 

He  replied,  that  to  evacuate  Cracow  would  be 
ignoble  for  him,  since  he  had  occupied  it.  I  an- 
swered that  such  an  evacuation  might  be  re- 
garded as  a  proof  of  his  high-mindedness  and  not 


384    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

as  an  indication  of  weakness,  inasmuch  as  it  would 
be  a  sacrifice  to  give  the  peoples  the  peace  that 
they  so  greatly  needed  while  he  stood  at  the  head 
of  400,000  men;  the  present  situation  of  arma- 
ment and  negotiation  could  not  continue  long. 

He  contradicted  me  and  said  that  it  was  cus- 
tomary for  the  Russian  army  to  be  concentrated ; 
because  of  the  wide  extent  of  the  empire  it  could 
not  well  be  divided  and  placed  apart  in  regi- 
mental cantons.  Therefore,  in  order  to  concil- 
iate the  foreign  powers,  he  had  offered  to  give 
Poland  a  constitution  and  to  withdraw  the  Rus- 
sian army  to  Russia.  All  this,  however,  was 
Greek  to  the  Austrians;  they  could  not  compre- 
hend it.  He  wished  peace,  and  hoped  to  achieve 
it,  and  he  hoped  then  to  live  solely  to  support 
and  disseminate  liberal  ideas,  which  alone  made 
life  worth  living. 

The  czar  expressed  his  satisfaction  with  the 
friendly  attitude  of  Emperor  Francis.  I  recom- 
mended that  he  give  attention  to  Germany.  He 
promised  to  do  all  he  could  to  bring  about  an 
orderly  situation.  When  I  directed  his  attention 
to  the  procrastination  and  ill  will  of  his  brother- 
in-law,  the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden,  he  commanded 
me  to  suggest  how  he  could  be  brought  to  terms. 
He  said  that  he  wished  Hardenberg  would  com- 
plete his  task  and  thereby  bring  matters  to  an 
end,  and  agreed  when  I  told  him  that  it  was 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  385 

necessary  to  settle  the  questions  of  the  three  con- 
troversial points,  Poland,  Saxony,  and  Mayence, 
at  one  time  and  in  one  meeting,  in  order  to 
shorten  everything  and  not  give  opportunity  for 
new  complications.  He  spoke  on  this  occasion 
about  Saxony;  regarded  the  division  of  that! 
country  as  entirely  out  of  place  for  Saxony,  for 
Prussia,  and  for  Austria,  because  a  minor  prince 
would  not  protect  the  boundaries. 

Capo  d'Istria  and  Czartoryski  visited  me  sep- 
arately on  the  following  day  (November  21). 
The  discussion  was  about  Poland,  Saxony,  and 
Mayence. 

The  czar  called  me  on  November  25.  He  was 
gentle  and  calm,  expressed  his  readiness  for  a 
conciliation,  and  his  regret  that  Austria  should 
continue  to  make  new  demands  and  pretensions. 
I  spoke  and  pleaded  with  emphasis  for  peace; 
I  pointed  out  that  it  was  necessary  not  only  for 
the  restoration  of  general  prosperity,  but  also 
for  the  restoration  of  general  morality,  which  had 
suffered  most  severely  in  the  prolonged  oppres- 
sion and  state  of  war.  He  replied  how  ready  he 
was  to  contribute  to  the  general  peace,  and  above 
all  that  he  was  firmly  determined  to  support  and 
to  advance  every  effective  and  salutary  plan. 

I  presented  a  document  concerning  the  Grand 
Duchy  of  Baden  and  requested  him  to  consider 


386    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

its  contents.  He  promised  this,  and  said  that 
he  would  let  the  chancellor  know  his  decision  on 
the  following  day  through  Czartoryski. 

There  was  a  meeting  on  November  27,  at  which 
Prince  Hardenberg  was  given  the  statement  of 
the  czar.  He  was  dissatisfied  because  Cracow 
had  not  been  turned  over  to  the  Austrians,  com- 
plained of  unfairness,  and  reserved  the  right  to 
inform  Metternich  of  everything.  This  was  done 
on  the  twenty-eighth  in  a  verbal  note  which  was 
drawn  up  in  the  spirit  of  the  draft  for  the  proto- 
col, and  in  which  he  insisted  on  the  indivisibility 
of  Saxony,  and  offered  Austria  the  cession  of 
130,000  souls  at  Leibschiitz  and  Ratibor  in  up- 
per Silesia. 

In  a  casual  conversation  between  Czartoryski, 
Count  Minister,  and  myself  at  my  home  the  lat- 
ter was  most  determined  in  his  view  that  a  part 
of  Saxony  would  have  to  be  returned.  The  in- 
disposition of  Prince  Metternich  and  the  con- 
sultation with  Emperor  Francis  delayed  the 
reply. 

Meanwhile  Stewart  declared  that  the  Polish 
question  would  now  calm  down,  but  that  more 
emphasis  would  be  placed  on  the  Saxon  question. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  negotiate  in  England 
itself.  Instructions  based  on  the  contents  of  my 
memorandum  of  December  3  were  sent  to 
England,  regarding  which  I  found  it  neces- 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  387 

sary  to  write  Count  Capo  d'Istria  on  December  7. 
In  the  meantime  many  things  happened  in  the 
German  affair,  especially  in  the  case  of  Mayence 
and  the  interior  of  Baden.  I  had  given  the  czar 
a  note  on  the  twenty-ninth  on  the  Baden  situa- 
tion, pointing  to  the  negligence,  indecision,  wil- 
fulness,  and  mistrust  of  the  grand  duke.  At  the 
same  time  I  had  made  suggestions  for  the  form- 
ing of  the  chamber  of  deputies  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  cabinet  minister  with  most  extensive 
powers.  He  promised  to  help.  The  empress 
called  me  on  November  31  and  in  the  presence 
of  her  brother  [the  grand  duke]  spoke  to  me 
about  the  condition  of  the  country  [Baden].  I 
gave  my  views  on  his  method  of  governing 
freely  and  without  reserve  and  insisted  on  the 
need  of  the  chamber.  He  finally  decided  to  send 
the  document  to  Prince  Metternich  and  Harden- 
berg.  The  empress  gave  her  suggestions  re- 
garding the  organization  of  a  ministry,  recom- 
mended its  adoption,  and  delegated  the  Duke  of 
Coburg  to  discuss  the  matter  with  him.  Al- 
though this  document  had  finally  been  released, 
he  could  not  make  up  his  mind  to  call  the  com- 
mission which  would  make  a  draft  of  a  repre- 
sentative constitution.  It  had  not  yet  been  is- 
sued on  December  24,  for  the  procrastinating, 
mistrustful,  undecided  man  could  not  bring  him- 
self to  send  a  courier.  With  justice  Napoleon 


said  of  him,  "Ce  prince  est  indecrotable"  ["This 
prince  is  incorrigible"]. 

Meanwhile  the  Austrians  observed  a  deep  si- 
lence, but  began  to  negotiate  secretly.  Metter- 
nich  told  Czartoryski  in  an  interview  that  on  the 
whole  satisfaction  prevailed  over  the  declaration 
of  Russia  regarding  Poland;  it  was  necessary, 
however,  to  insist  that  the  King  of  Saxony 
should  retain  a  part  of  his  country.  This  would 
remove  the  antagonism  of  France  and  satisfy 
public  opinion,  which  had  become  loud  against 
the  removal  of  the  King  of  Saxony,  and  also  was 
apprehensive  regarding  the. proximity  of  Prussia 
at  this  point. 

Emperor  Francis  spoke  with  the  Grand  Duch- 
ess Catharine  (December  6)  regarding  his  wish 
to  keep  peace,  saying  that  his  conscience  de- 
manded that  he  save  a  part  of  the  country  [Sax- 
on}"] for  the  King  of  Saxony;  the  eyes  of  all 
Europe  were  directed  on  this.  He  would  like 
to  live  in  good  relations  with  Prussia,  but  it  was 
getting  dangerous  for  him.  Moreover,  he  was 
ready  to  declare  Mayence  a  fortified  place  be- 
longing to  the  confederacy.  Prince  Hardenberg 
himself  was  inclined  to  give  the  king  something 
in  Saxony.  Prince  Repnin  had  informed  him 
that  all  the  Saxons  wished  their  king  back. 

Both  statements  were  false.  Prince  Repnin 
had  remarked  that  after  the  Battle  of  Leipsic 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  389 

every  one  had  turned  against  the  king,  who  was 
looked  upon  as  the  instigator  of  the  general  mis- 
fortune. Later  these  views  had  become  modi- 
fied ;  the  supporters  of  the  Duke  of  Weimar  had 
joined  those  who  favored  the  king  when  they  saw 
that  their  expectations  were  not  fulfilled.  The 
dissatisfaction  after  the  Treaty  of  Paris  had 
helped  the  unrest,  and  the  royal  partizans  had 
become  more  active.  Opinions  were  divided  now ; 
tradesmen  and  craftsmen  favored  Prussia,  the 
nobility  of  the  land  and  the  peasantry  were  on 
the  whole  calm,  while  the  Dresden  officials  fa- 
vored the  king. 

The  object  of  Emperor  Francis  in  wishing  to 
restore  the  King  of  Saxony  to  land  of  his  own 
was  disclosed  most  clearly  during  his  interview 
with  the  Duke  of  Weimar.  The  latter  declared 
that  he  considered  the  division  of  Saxony  as  full 
of  consequences  from  an  administrative  point  of 
view  and  because  the  mental  perturbation  would 
continue.  "That  is  well,"  he  replied;  "both  parts 
will  therefore  reunite  so  much  sooner."  He 
wishes,  therefore,  to  keep  up  discord  and  distur- 
bance in  the  country  of  his  ally  in  order  to  de- 
prive him  of  what  he  acquired  with  so  much 
shedding  of  blood. 

The  envy  of  Hanover  toward  Prussia  was  also 
disclosed  in  this  Saxon  affair.  Count  Munster 
long  hated  and  envied  Prussia,  partly  for  per- 


390    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

sonal  reasons  and  partly  because  of  the  hostile 
conduct  of  Prussia  toward  Hanover  in  the  year 
1806.  He  therefore  proposed  to  the  British  and 
Russian  cabinets  in  the  winter  of  1812,  in  a  de- 
tailed communication,  that  Russia  be  enlarged 
to  the  Vistula, — that  is,  by  East  Prussia, — that 
Prussia  be  confined  between  the  Vistula  and  the 
Elbe,  and  that  the  house  of  Hanover  be  given  the 
territory  between  the  Elbe  and  the  Scheldt  under 
the  name  of  the  Kingdom  of  Austrasia;  that  is 
to  say,  the  heritage  of  Prussia,  Saxony,  Hesse, 
Orange,  Brunswick,  and  Nassau,  and  to  disown 
these  princely  houses  by  right  of  conquest.  This 
project  was  to  be  carried  out  by  a  Swedish-Eng- 
lish-Hanoverian army  under  the  Crown  Prince 
of  Sweden,  and  one  of  the  English  princes  was 
to  be  placed  on  the  throne. 

This  bubble  burst  of  its  own  weight  because 
of  the  events  of  December,  1812,  the  convention 
of  York,  the  entry  of  Prussia,  etc.  During  the 
war  Count  Minister  recognized  the  indispensa- 
bility  of  Prussia,  adopted  favorable  views,  and 
won  the  confidence  of  the  chancellor.  In  this 
Saxon  affair,  however,  he  showed  the  greatest  ac- 
tivity. He  fortified  the  English  and  the  Aus- 
trians  in  their  desire  for  a  division  of  Saxony; 
he  remarked  to  Colonel  Miltiz,  when  the  latter 
depicted  to  him  the  tragic  consequences  of  a  divi- 
sion of  the  country,  that  this  would  be  immate- 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  391 

rial ;  that  if  Prussia  did  not  recede  from  its  posi- 
tion a  protest  would  be  made  against  annexation, 
a  favorable  opportunity  would  be  awaited,  and 
war  would  be  begun,  which  would  result  in  the 
downfall  of  Prussia. 

On  December  8,  Miltiz  visited  Count  Schulen- 
burg  at  Klosterrode  and  spoke  with  him  regard- 
ing the  consequences  of  a  partition  of  Saxony 
and  the  dishonor  if  the  king  should  be  given  only 
a  small  part  of  his  country.  He  [the  count]  then 
remarked  that  it  would  be  possible  to  speak  of 
ceding  to  Prussia  only  a  small  part,  in  any  case, 
lower  Lusatia  and  the  district  of  Zorbig;  he 
would  never  advise  the  king  to  do  anything  else, 
as  it  would  be  an  unworthy  and  dishonorable 
transaction.  The  influences  that  forced  Prussia 
to  give  up  a  small  part  would  also  force  it  to  be 
satisfied  with  a  small  part;  else  war  would  be 
begun  with  Prussia  after  an  interval  of  time, 
with  the  result  that  Prussia  would  be  destroyed. 
Hanover,  however,  would  gain  influence  and  rec- 
ognition by  means  of  its  rectitude  and  its  admin- 
istrative wisdom,  whereby  it  would  become  the 
rallying-point  for  northern  Germany.  Count 
Schulenburg  therefore  wishes  to  overthrow  a 
state  which  already  exists,  which  has  won  a  mili- 
tary and  political  reputation,  and  possesses  a 
mass  of  information  and  the  machinery  of  gov- 
ernment, and  to  substitute  for  it  another  which 


392    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

is  known  only  for  its  baseness  and  promises  us  a 
generation  of  obscure  princes  as  regents.  What 
deception!  From  this  and  a  similar  statement 
that  Count  Schulenburg  made  to  me  it  devel- 
oped that  the  king  will  refuse  a  small  allotment. 

The  Austrian  declaration  finally  appeared  on 
December  10  and  was  presented  on  the  eleventh. 
It  wished  to  compensate  Prussia  in  western  Ger- 
many and  to  give  it  only  400,000  souls  in  Sax- 
ony, lower  Lusatia,  and  Thuringia;  with  regard 
to  Poland  it  demanded  Cracow.  Metternich 
therefore  assumed  a  basis  for  negotiation  en- 
tirely opposite  to  that  of  October  22.  He  cloaked 
it  in  a  mass  of  phrases  of  gratitude  for  Prussia's 
efforts,  the  necessity  of  agreement  between  Prus- 
sia and  Austria,  etc.,  so  that  the  complete  con- 
trast between  these  assurances  of  friendship  and 
the  abortive  proposition  gave  a  feeling  of  mysti- 
fication. Prince  Hardenberg  showed  Prince 
Czartoryski  and  me  the  correspondence  since 
October  4,  and  turned  it  over  to  Czar  Alexan- 
der. Most  peculiar  among  this  correspondence 
was  a  billet  of  November  7,  in  which  the  most 
definite  assurance  was  given  of  the  consent  of 
the  czar  to  the  delivery  of  Saxony  [to  Prussia]. 

Czar  Alexander  wrote  the  chancellor  through 
Prince  Czartoryski  that  it  was  for  him  to  decide 
the  interests  of  Prussia;  he  would  then  support 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  393 

him  with  all  his  strength  and  all  his  troops.  He 
presented  this  to  me  on  the  evening  of  December 
12.  He  said  that  he  had  put  the  documents  be- 
fore Emperor  Francis,  who  reproached  Prince 
Metternich  most  bitterly.  From  this  correspond- 
ence it  could  be  seen  that  the  object  of  Metter- 
nich was  to  separate  Russia  and  Prussia.  If  it 
was  necessary  to  accelerate  this  matter  and  to 
deliver  an  ultimatum,  he  would  support  it  with 
all  his  power;  it  was  necessary  to  settle  this  af- 
fair among  the  three  nations  first  without  the 
interference  of  France  and  England,  then  the 
German  affair,  and  then  the  English. 

I  replied  with  comment  on  the  pernicious  and 
objectionable  character  of  the  Austrian  proposals 
and  on  the  need  of  showing  the  determination 
and  readiness  to  adopt  extreme  measures,  and 
recommended  that  preparations  be  made  by  plan- 
ning for  departure  and  moving  troops;  also  on 
the  necessity  of  taking  the  whole  matter  out  of 
the  hands  of  Nesselrode,  who  was  blindly  sub- 
servient to  Metternich,  and  entrusting  it  to  Czar- 
toryski  or  Rasumowskij,  adding  Capo  d'Istria 
to  them,  as  the  situation  was  a  matter  of  indiffer- 
ence to  him.  He  asked  about  Gentz.  I  told  him 
that  he  was  a  man  with  a  dried-up  brain  and  a  foul 
heart;  and  then  asked  about  Stahrenberg,  whom 
I  knew  only  superficially.  I  closed  with  the  pro- 


394    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

posal  that  he  hold  a  conference  with  Hardenberg 
to-day,  the  thirteenth. 

Prince  Metternich  was  put  at  a  disadvantage 
by  the  course  of  events.  That  same  evening  he 
sent  Wessenberg  to  the  chancellor  to  discuss  with 
the  councilor  of  state,  Hoffmann,  the  statistical 
table  that  had  accompanied  his  communication 
of  December  10.  He  pointed  out  that  he  had 
erroneously  deducted  1,200,000  souls  from  Prus- 
sia's share.  In  addition,  he  himself  came  early 
on  the  thirteenth  to  the  chancellor  to  prove  to 
him  that  his  communication  was  not  official,  but 
confidential,  and  that  demands  for  more  Saxon 
and  Polish  territory  might  well  have  been  made. 

Czartoryski,  Capo  d'Istria,  Humboldt,  and  I 
were  present  at  this  conference.  The  former 
declared  the  czar  would  cede  the  district  of  Tar- 
nopol  with  400,000  souls  to  Austria,  but  insisted 
on  the  previous  conditions  affecting  Cracow  and 
Thorn.  It  was  therefore  decided  that  Prussia 
and  Russia  should  make  a  declaration  to  Aus- 
tria, and  that  Prussia  should  call  on  England  to 
help  it  get  the  possessions  agreed  on  by  treaty. 
It  was  decided  to  meet  again  on  December  14. 

Prince  Hardenberg  gave  the  czar  all  the  cor- 
respondence that  had  been  carried  on  with  Met- 
ternich as  well  as  the  Austrian  note  of  December 
10.  The  most  peculiar  document  was  the  Aus- 
trian note  of  October  22,  a  communication  by 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  395 

Metternich  to  Castlereagh  and  a  billet  of  the 
same,  dated  November  7,  in  which  he  denied  hav- 
ing suggested  to  the  czar  that  he  would  give  way 
in  the  Polish  contention  if  the  czar  would  with- 
draw his  support  [of  Prussia]  in  the  Saxon  af- 
fair. Metternich  visited  the  czar  on  December 
14  in  order  to  justify  himself,  and  presented  him 
with  a  memorandum  from  the  chancellor  of  No- 
vember — ,  in  which  the  latter  explicitly  pointed 
out  the  need  of  avoiding  hostile  measures  against 
Russia  at  this  time,  and  presented  the  reasons 
why  it  was  wiser  to  make  concessions  now  and 
make  preparations  for  the  future,  so  as  to  be  in 
a  position  to  oppose  the  action  of  Russia  against 
Europe.  He  turned  this  over  with  the  remark 
that  he  possessed  other  writings  of  the  chancel- 
lor of  whjch  he  could  make  no  use  because  they 
were  the  secrets  of  a  third  party. 

Czar  Alexander  placed  all  the  papers  before 
Emperor  Francis  and  declared  that  he  would  no 
longer  deal  with  a  man  so  untrustworthy  as  Met- 
ternich. Emperor  Francis  is  said  to  have  de- 
clared that  a  number  of  these  papers,  especially 
the  communication  to  Lord  Castlereagh,  were 
strange  to  him.  He  asked  for  an  interview  with 
the  Grand  Duchess  Catharine,  which  she  granted 
only  upon  command  of  her  brother.  At  this  he 
deprecated  the  conduct  of  Metternich  and  de- 
clared that  the  letter  to  Castlereagh  was  wholly 


unknown  to  him.  The  grand  duchess  informed 
him  of  the  decision  of  the  czar  to  deal  with  Met- 
ternich  no  longer. 

Czar  Alexander  had  a  number  of  other  talks 
with  the  Palatine.  He  wished  to  conduct  the 
negotiations  with  Austria  direct  with  Emperor 
Francis  and  decided  in  a  conference  held  on  De- 
cember 15  with  Czartoryski,  Capo  d'Istria,  and 
me  that  Prussia  should  present  a  memorandum 
to  Austria  through  him,  in  which  it  set  forth  its 
demands  on  Saxony.  This  memorandum  he 
wanted  to  take  himself  and  to  discuss  direct  with 
Emperor  Francis.  At  the  same  time  a  plan  for 
a  preliminary  agreement,  signed  by  both  mon- 
archs,  was  to  be  prepared ;  if  formal  negotiations 
resulted,  Rasumowskij  or  Stackelberg  would  be 
given  this  task.  I  recommended  the  former. 
This  conference  was  held  at  6:30  o'clock  in  the 
evening. 

At  3  o'clock  Capo  d'Istria,  Czartoryski,  and  I 
met  for  a  preliminary  conference  with  Harden- 
berg.  Here  Hardenberg  read  the  draft  of  a  note 
that  was  to  be  presented  to  Russia,  in  which  it 
was  proposed  to  place  the  King  of  Saxony  either 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  or  in  upper  Lusatia. 

At  the  conference  held  at  seven  o'clock  between 
the  czar  and  the  chancellor  it  was  agreed  that  the 
indivisibility  of  Saxony  was  to  be  insisted  upon, 
and  the  King  of  Saxony  was  to  be  given  a  country 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  397 

on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  with  from  600,000 
to  700,000  souls.  The  memorandum  to  be  pre- 
sented to  the  czar  was  amended  along  these  lines 
at  a  conference  on  December  16  between  Har- 
denberg,  Czartoryski,  Capo  d'Istria,  and  me. 

On  December  17,  Czartoryski  sent  Capo  d'Is- 
tria the  draft  of  a  preliminary  treaty  containing 
the  provisions  that  the  Duchy  of  Warsaw  and  all 
Polish-Russian  provinces  be  united  with  the  em- 
pire of  Russia.  Capo  d'Istria  rejected  these  arti- 
cles and  fought  anew  against  the  idea  of  divid- 
ing the  Russian  empire  into  two  parts,  one  un- 
der a  despotic  and  the  other  under  a  constitu- 
tional government. 

In  the  meantime  the  French  and  the  Bavarians 
attempted  to  create  ill  feeling.  Wrede  called  on 
the  King  of  Wiirtemberg  to  join  an  alliance 
against  Russia  and  Prussia.  The  Viennese  be- 
came more  and  more  excited  and  more  decidedly 
for  war. 

Emperor  Francis  suggested  to  Czar  Alexan- 
der that  he  name  a  negotiator  for  the  discussion 
of  the  question.  The  czar  did  not  know  whether 
to  name  Rasumowskij  or  Stackelberg.  Czar 
Alexander  seemed  to  waver  between  his  wish  to 
keep  peace  and  his  desire  to  do  his  duty  toward 
his  ally  and  his  honor.  His  situation  was  all  the 
more  painful  because  he  had  undertaken  to  carry 
on  the  negotiations  with  Austria  himself. 


398    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

In  a  conference  on  December  19  between  the 
chancellor,  Czartoryski,  and  me  the  former  read 
a  reasonable  solution  of  the  Saxon  matter;  he 
expressed  himself  as  exceedingly  pained  by  the 
faithlessness  of  Metternich,  and  explained  how 
it  was  now  necessary  for  Prussia  to  throw  itself 
entirely  into  the  hands  of  Russia  and  await  an 
opportunity  for  making  war. 

The  whole  Saxon  question  (said  the  chancel- 
lor) was  greatly  out  of  place.  It  was  now  linked 
with  the  Polish  question,  and  as  Austria,  now 
supported  by  England,  did  not  get  Cracow  and 
Zamosc,  it  tried  to  keep  Prussia  from  the  Saxon 
boundary-line  without  taking  into  account  that 
neither  Cracow  nor  Samosc  were  points  of  de- 
cisive overwhelming  importance,  and  that  the 
diminished  and  weakened  Saxony  would  not  be 
more  dependent  on  Prussia  than  it  was  formerly 
on  the  old  palatinate.  Further,  he  said,  that 
when  Austria  broke  faith  with  Prussia  a  deep 
feeling  of  ill  will  was  engendered  which  would 
result  in  a  close  alliance  with  Russia  and  mis- 
trust of  Austria. 

The  czar  appointed  Counts  Rasumowskij  and 
Capo  d'Istria  to  confer  on  the  preliminary  arti- 
cles that  had  been  drawn  up,  and  which  were  to 
be  the  basis  for  negotiations.  At  the  request  of 
the  English  a  commission  was  appointed  to  in- 
vestigate the  statistical  table  and  summaries 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  399 

which  accompanied  the  various  documents.  The 
preliminary  articles  contained  the  cession  of  the 
salt  works  of  Wieliczka  and  of  Tarnopol  to  Aus- 
tria, the  transformation  of  Cracow  and  Thorn 
into  free  cities,  the  delimitation  of  the  Prussian 
boundaries,  the  embodiment  of  the  Duchy  of 
Warsaw  in  Russia  as  a  united  constitutional 
state,  and  the  unification  of  Saxony  with  Prussia. 
Germany  was  to  become  a  federative  state  which, 
strong  and  intimately  bound  together,  was  to 
protect  the  rights  and  constitutions  of  the  various 
states  and  classes  of  citizens ;  Mayence  was  to  be 
made  a  federal  fort.  These  articles  were  to  form 
a  rallying-point  at  the  negotiations.  It  seems, 
besides,  that  the  Austrians  were  not  ready  for 
war;  they  had  received  the  Prussian  note  of  De- 
cember 21  from  Czar  Alexander,  who  presented 
it  to  Emperor  Francis.  The  latter  spoke  contin- 
uously and  with  great  earnestness  against  the 
union  of  Saxony  with  Prussia. 

All  of  these  negotiations  proceeded  without 
Nesselrode,  who  deeply  felt  his  loss  of  influence. 
He  lost  it  because  of  his  subservience  to  Metter- 
nich,  which  often  placed  him  in  the  position  of 
acting  contrary  to  the  views  of  Czar  Alexander 
or  else  supporting  them  only  half-heartedly. 
This  was  especially  the  case  when  he  adopted 
Metternich's  ideas  of  peace  in  France,  acted  en- 
tirely according  to  Metternich's  views  in  the 


Swiss  affairs,  disapproved  of  the  Saxon  plan,  and 
finally  was  directly  opposed  to  the  Polish  plan. 
The  czar  had  already  become  distrustful  of  him 
in  Freiburg.  This  feeling  grew  in  Chaumont  and 
Troyes,  and  took  a  decided  turn  when  the  czar's 
antipathy  to  Metternich  became  open  here.  Xes- 
selrode's  mediocrity,  ignorance,  and  ungenerous 
spirit  in  views  and  feelings,  his  lack  of  courage 
in  serious  situations,  did  not  permit  him  to  re- 
main long  on  the  heights.  He  had  to  fall  the 
moment  he  tried  to  be  something  more  than  the 
tool  of  his  master,  as  soon  as  he  achieved  a  sort  of 
self-sufficiency ;  he  had  to  fall  because  he  did  not 
create  this  by  his  own  powers,  but  was  led  by 
a  foreign  minister  who  wras  hated  by  the  czar. 

Metternich's  frivolity  did  not  lessen  despite 
the  crisis  in  these  important  affairs.  He  occu- 
pied himself  with  the  arrangements  for  court 
fetes,  tableaux,  etc.,  up  to  the  smallest  detail, 
watched  the  dancing  of  his  daughter  while  Cas- 
tlereagh  and  Humboldt  were  waiting  to  confer 
with  him,  and  rouged  the  women  who  were  to 
appear  in  tableaux.  Metternich  has  common 
sense,  versatility,  and  graciousness ;  he  lacks 
depth,  learning,  industry,  and  sincerity.  He 
loves  entanglements  because  they  keep  him  busy 
and  because  he  lacks  strength,  depth,  and  seri- 
ousness for  carrying  on  transactions  in  a  great 
and  simple  manner.  He  often  creates  complica- 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  401 

tions  by  his  frivolity,  his  aversion  for  business, 
and  his  untruth  without  wishing  to  do  so.  He  is 
cold,  and  therefore  averse  to  giving  men  credit 
for  noble  feelings.  This  was  the  reason  why  the 
Austrian  Army  lacked  enthusiasm,  which  alone 
leads  to  self-sacrifice  and  to  perseverance  in  mis- 
fortune. His  faults  have  kept  him  from  attain- 
ing and  using  the  great  influence  and  the  strong 
position  in  the  eyes  of  his  master  and  of  his  pub- 
lic, which  he  needs  to  nullify  the  weakness  and 
the  prejudice  of  the  former,  to  destroy  the  nu- 
merous secret  influences,  and  to  rule  the  latter 
with  firmness.  He  has  to  negotiate  with  the  one 
and  with  the  other  and  take  a  middle  course 
which,  for  the  most  part,  is  disastrous. 

Prince  Metternich  informed  Talleyrand  offi- 
cially of  the  contents  of  his  note  of  December 
10.  Talleyrand  asked  the  commands  of  his  king, 
and  received  orders  to  support  the  Saxon  case. 
He  therefore  declared  in  a  note  of  December  19 
that  France  had  made  no  demands  at  the  Con- 
gress, as  it  wished  nothing  more  than  to  see  the 
dawn  of  reconstruction  over  the  whole  of  Eu- 
rope, to  have  each  wrell-founded  right  recognized, 
and  each  injustice  condemned,  so  that  the  Revo- 
lution would  reach  its  culmination  in  this  man- 
ner. This  alone  could  be  the  subject  of  the  work 
of  the  Congress,  and  if  a  true  and  lasting  balance 


402     A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

was  to  be  reached  here,  no  rights  could  be  sacri- 
ficed which  would  have  to  be  granted  later.  The 
Congress  should  not  throw  all  the  nations  into  a 
heap  and  then  distribute  them  without  a  plan. 
The  lands  to  be  distributed  were  only  those  with- 
out rulers,  and  the  strength  of  a  state  was  not 
only  physical,  but  also  moral  strength.  There- 
fore the  King  of  France  had  ordered  his  ambas- 
sador to  act  only  according  to  justice  and  to  have 
no  part  in  any  unjust  act. 

Of  all  questions  discussed  by  the  Congress,  he 
continued,  that  of  Poland  was  the  most  impor- 
tant. The  French  King  wished  the  restoration 
to  power  and  independence  of  this  old  and  cour- 
ageous people,  which  was  so  useful  to  Europe. 
As  the  force  of  circumstances  made  the  fulfil- 
ment of  this  wish  impossible,  as  only  ideas  of 
dividing  the  country  had  prevailed,  France  had 
felt  it  necessary  to  acquiesce. 

The  question  of  Saxony,  he  said,  had  become 
the  more  important  because  here  the  principle 
of  justice  and  balance  of  power  seemed  to  be 
affected  the  most.  France  could  not  concede  that 
kings  could  be  judged,  and  judged  by  the  one 
who  wished  and  could  take  their  land,  that  confis- 
cation could  be  indorsed  by  the  whole  of  Europe 
in  the  nineteenth  century,  that  peoples  were  to 
have  no  rights  and  were  to  be  divided  arbitrarily, 
that  sovereignty  is  reached  by  conquest,  and  that 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  403 

only  the  law  of  nature  and  not  the  law  of  states 
was  observed  among  European  nations.  The 
balance  of  power  would  be  destroyed  by  uniting 
Saxony  [with  Prussia]  because  a  great  attack- 
ing power  was  formed  directly  opposite  Bohemia 
which  would  endanger  the  security  of  Austria; 
and  secondly  because  one  of  the  states  of  Ger- 
many would  receive  a  preponderance  of  power 
disastrous  for  the  rest.  France  really  loved 
Prussia  and  desired  its  restoration  to  the  bounda- 
ries of  1805,  and  was  also  ready  to  insist  that 
Saxony  turn  over  to  Prussia  whatever  land  was 
necessary  to  fulfil  this  aim. 

While  Prince  Metternich  tried  to  strengthen 
his  position  with  France  on  the  one  hand,  he 
sought  to  isolate  Prussia  on  the  other  and  to 
separate  his  negotiations  with  Rasumowskij 
from  those  with  Hardenberg.  In  this  he  did  not 
succeed.  The  negotiations  were  intimately  bound 
together  both  in  subject  matter  and  in  the  simul- 
taneousness  of  the  conferences,  and  on  Decem- 
ber 29  the  first  conference  was  begun  between 
Rasumowskij,  Capo  d'Istria,  Hardenberg,  Hum- 
boldt,  Metternich,  Castlereagh,  and  Wessenberg. 
Hardenberg  had  proposed  the  addition  of  Cas- 
tlereagh in  order  to  prevent  his  being  influenced 
by  Metternich  and  because  of  his  confidence  in 
Castlereagh's  love  for  peace.  He  had  read  Cas- 
tlereagh's  memorandum  of  December  28,  in 


404    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

which  he  expressed  his  satisfaction  with  the  situ- 
ation and  suggested  that  Talleyrand  be  called 
in. 

In  a  preliminary  meeting  on  December  29, 
however,  it  was  decided  to  refuse  this  in  consid- 
eration of  the  secret  article  of  the  Treaty  of 
Paris,  according  to  which  the  allies  maintained 
the  prerogative  of  disposing  by  themselves  of 
the  territory  that  had  been  set  forth  regarding 
the  possessions  Austria  was  to  receive  in  Italy 
and  Sardinia,  and  the  Prince  of  Orange  in  Bel- 
gium and  on  the  Meuse.  The  Russian  and  Prus- 
sian interests,  however,  had  not  been  taken  into 
account;  the  questions  of  Poland  and  Saxony 
had  remained  untouched  and  left  in  such  form 
that  it  depended  on  Austria  and  England  to  give 
their  consent  or  to  withhold  it,  and  finally  to 
force  Russia  and  Prussia  to  go  to  war. 
The  good-natured  confidence  of  the  chancellor 
in  Castlereagh  and  Metternich,  the  shallow- 
ness  of  Nesselrode  and  his  acquiescence  in  the 
will  of  Metternich,  brought  things  to  a  state  made 
worse  by  the  political  revival  of  France,  and 
which,  no  matter  how  it  develops,  restores  the  old 
antipathy  between  Austria  and  Prussia  and  is 
most  detrimental  to  the  security  of  Germany. 

It  is  declared  that  the  czar  did  not  wish  to  take 
up  the  Polish  situation  in  Paris,  but  that  he  could 
always  have  taken  up  the  Saxon  question,  and 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  405 

then  it  would  have  been  easy  to  prove  to  him 
that  circumstances  were  better  for  him  in  May 
than  they  could  be  later,  because  the  impression 
made  by  events  was  still  lively,  and  all  the  com- 
mon purposes  had  not  yet  revived,  and  the  Ital- 
ian and  Belgian  affairs  had  not  yet  been  decided 
on,  and  therefore  could  be  used  as  subjects  for  ne- 
gotiation. Finally,  he  was  mobilized  and  had  a 
strong  reserve  army  on  the  Vistula,  while  France 
was  still  in  a  condition  of  powerlessness  and  con- 
fusion. 

The  conference  of  December  29  concluded 
with  preliminary  negotiations.  Count  Rasu- 
mowskij  opened  it.  Prince  Metternich  began  a 
discourse  on  the  different  character  of  the  ques- 
tions to  be  discussed;  declared  the  Saxon  ques- 
tion was  a  European  question,  which  would  have 
to  be  decided  with  the  consent  of  all  the  great 
powers  and  that  of  the  King  of  Saxony.  Prince 
Hardenberg  asked  him  to  state  explicitly  whether 
he  had  orders  from  his  emperor  to  make  the  con- 
sent of  the  king  essential ;  in  this  event  he  would 
have  to  break  off  any  further  negotiations  for 
to-day  and  first  get  the  commands  of  his  master. 
Prince  Metternich  fell  back  upon  the  consent  of 
the  English  to  this  view.  Lord  Castlereagh, 
however,  declared  explicitly  that  he  would  sup- 
port all  the  reasonable  and  judicious  proposals 
of  Prussia  if  they  appeared  to  be  this  to  him,  but 


406    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

that  he  would  never  consent  to  let  the  King  of 
Saxony  be  arbiter  of  the  question. 

The  question  was  then  asked  Prince  Metter- 
nich  whether  he  believed  Prussia  to  have  the  right 
to  demand  the  restoration  of  the  conditions  in 
1806,  to  which  he  replied  in  the  affirmative.  The 
other  question,  whether  the  plan  proposed  by 
Prussia  would  achieve  this  object,  he  answered 
in  the  negative,  and  the  demand  that  he  draft  a 
new  one  he  refused,  inviting  the  Russian  minis- 
ters to  do  so,  who  declared  that  they  were  bound 
only  to  support  Prussia's  just  demands.  Met- 
ternich  then  asked  whether  there  was  a  special 
alliance  between  Russia  and  Prussia,  which  was 
truthfully  denied,  and  it  was  explained  that  there 
was  no  treaty  but  the  common  one  which  united 
all  the  allies. 

Castlereagh  and  Metternich  suggested  that  the 
French  be  invited  to  take  part  in  the  negotia- 
tions, to  which  the  other  two  ambassadors  ob- 
jected on  the  ground  of  the  secret  article  of  the 
Treaty  of  Paris.  Metternich  requested  the  re- 
moval of  the  King  of  Saxony  to  another  local- 
ity; this  was  refused. 

The  Emperor  of  Austria  instructed  Alopeus 
to  deal  with  the  King  of  Prussia  secretly  in  Ber- 
lin; to  refuse  to  accept  any  fragment  of  Saxony 
and,  if  possible,  to  get  his  consent  to  a  removal 
of  the  king  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine.  He 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  407 

was  informed  how  the  King  of  Saxony  was  sur- 
rounded by  two  parties,  the  Saxon,  which  wished 
the  welfare  of  its  fatherland  and  objected  to  any 
partition,  and  the  court  party,  which  wished  to 
see  the  king  back  in  Saxony  at  any  price. 

Emperor  Francis  spoke  loudly  of  war,  accord- 
ing to  the  deputy  from  the  nobles,  Zobel-Degen- 
feld: 

"The  King  of  Saxony  shall  have  his  lands  back, 
else  I  shall  shoot,  and  I  can  depend  upon  the  na- 
tions in  Germany."  Zobel  replied: 

"Yes,  if  your  Majesty  places  himself  at  the 
head." 

"Now,"  the  emperor  replied,  "I  can  say  noth- 
ing about  Germany." 

M.  de  Talleyrand  invited  Czartoryski  to  an 
interview  on  December  29.  He  complained  that 
the  conferences  were  being  held  with  the  pres- 
ence of  Castlereagh,  but  without  Talleyrand ;  the 
former,  he  said,  had  been  formally  invited,  and 
had  shown  him  the  invitation  and  expressed  his 
astonishment  that  the  French  embassy  had  been 
ignored.  Prince  Metternich  also  had  expressed 
this  view,  he  said.  If  there  was  any  objection  to 
his  person  he  was  ready  to  depart.  Czartoryski 
replied  that  the  secret  article  of  the  Treaty  of 
Paris  set  forth  that  the  allies  should  agree  on  the 
division  of  the  conquered  lands,  and  then  place 
their  decision  before  France.  He  replied  that 


408    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

this  affected  only  the  conquests  actually  named 
in  this  article,  no  others,  and  that  the  alliance  was 
dissolved  by  achieving  the  object  of  the  war. 
This  sentence,  however,  is  false;  the  alliance 
against  France  is  dissolved  by  the  peace  with 
France,  but  the  treaties  of  alliance  contain,  be- 
sides the  common  war  designs,  other  considera- 
tions and  agreements  between  the  allies,  espe- 
cially the  restoration  of  Prussia  to  its  condition 
of  1806,  regarding  the  fulfilment  of  which  nego- 
tiations are  still  in  order.  This  answer  may  well 
be  given  Talleyrand. 

On  the  same  day  Emperor  Francis  told  Czar 
Alexander  that  he  believed  the  three  allies  should 
first  agree  on  the  plan  for  the  restoration,  and 
then  admit  Talleyrand  to  the  discussion. 

On  December  31  there  was  another  conference 
between  the  chancellor,  Humboldt,  Czartoryski, 
Capo  d'Istria  and  me,  at  which  it  was  agreed  to 
announce  in  the  next  main  conference  on  Janu- 
ary 2  how  they  were  prepared  to  admit  Talley- 
rand when  the  four  allies  had  come  to  an  agree- 
ment on  the  plan  for  restoration. 

In  the  meantime  the  Austrians  gathered  an 
army  in  Bohemia.  It  was  to  be  commanded  by 
Wrede,  who  would  join  it  with  his  Bavarians. 
One  army  is  to  be  located  at  Tetschen,  and  a 
French  army  is  to  move  from  the  Rhine  to  the 
Elbe. 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  409 

Germany  was  to  suffer  anew  a  civil  and  French 
war  because  of  the  interests  of  a  supporter  of 
Napoleon  and  over  the  question  whether  it  were 
better  to  place  him  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine 
or  to  tear  Saxony  apart  and  to  give  him  a  frag- 
ment. What  blindness! 

January  4. — As  Castlereagh  and  Metternich 
continued  to  insist  on  the  admission  of  France, 
and  refused  to  present  their  counter  project  un- 
til that  time,  and  as  the  former  expressed  himself 
most  favorably  toward  Prussia  in  saying  that  he 
would  not  leave  to  the  King  of  Saxony  the  ques- 
tion of  what  share  to  give  to  Prussia,  but  would 
support  Prussia  if  the  king  did  not  listen  to  rea- 
son, it  was  decided  to  acquiesce  in  the  admission 
of  France,  provided  Castlereagh  would  make  his 
declaration  formally  and  as  a  matter  of  record, 
which  he  agreed  to  do  in  his  interview  with  the 
chancellor.  In  the  meantime  Pozzo  and  Nessel- 
rode  treated  secretly  with  Metternich,  and  Tal- 
leyrand tried  to  convince  Capo  d'Istria  that 
Prussia  was  not  to  be  trusted. 

The  report  of  peace  with  America  started  the 
hope  among  the  Bavarians  and  the  Austrians 
that  England  would  now  give  stronger  support 
to  their  object.  When  Lord  Castlereagh  ob- 
served this  he  said  that  he  would  continue  to 
work  according  to  the  same  basic  principle  as  be- 


410    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

fore  and  to  help  bring  about  the  restoration  of 
Prussia  according  to  treaty.  Lord  Castlereagh 
visited  Czar  Alexander  on  January  6  and  spoke 
in  the  same  tenor.  He  represented  to  him  that 
it  was  dangerous  to  transfer  the  King  of  Sax- 
ony to  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  and  thus  give 
France  a  confederate;  he  believed  that  Prussia 
should  receive  a  large  part  of  Saxony.  Every- 
thing would  be  made  easier  if  the  czar  was  in- 
clined to  release  more  from  Poland ;  but  the  czar 
refused  this,  and  said  the  Polish  matter  was  con- 
cluded. He  had  acquiesced  in  a  great  deal,  and 
he  had  a  simple  solution  for  the  Saxon  question: 
when  the  King  of  Prussia  declared  himself  sat- 
isfied, he  would  be  ready  to  sign  the  treaty  at 
once ;  but  if  not,  he  was  ready  to  support  him  in 
every  way. 

January  7. — In  the  conference  Count  Rasu- 
mowskij  declared  that  he  was  ready  to  agree  to 
the  admittance  of  Talleyrand  if  Lord  Castle- 
reagh would  place  his  views,  frequently  ex- 
pressed, in  the  minutes,  so  that  a  decision  on  the 
question  of  how  Prussia  was  to  be  satisfied  with 
a  part  of  Saxony  might  be  dependent  upon  the 
will  of  the  powers  and  not  on  the  arbitrariness 
of  the  King  of  Saxony. 

Metternich  had  objections  against  making 
such  a  declaration,  although  he  agreed  with 
its  context,  but  Lord  Castlereagh  was  ready  to 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  411 

give  it  in  the  next  conference  on  January  8. 
Count  Rasumowskij  thanked  Lord  Castlereagh 
with  great  warmth  for  his  excellent  readiness  to 
help  bring  about  unity  and  peace  and  for  the  im- 
partiality of  his  conduct  in  this  important  affair. 
This  put  Metternich  at  a  loss,  and  he  asked 
Count  Rasumowskij  whether  he  did  not  have 
something  agreeable  to  say  to  him.  The  Polish 
articles  were  considered,  and  details  of  the  con- 
stitution for  the  Poles  were  discussed  and  pre- 
pared for. 

The  Bavarians  now  became  worried  because 
of  their  ill-natured  behavior.  Montgelas  criti- 
cized the  one-sided  impetuosity  of  Field-Marshal 
Wrede,  and  the  idea  about  the  Palatinate  and 
Mayence  wras  given  up.  The  Grand  Duke  of 
Bavaria  had  not  sent  the  instructions  for  the 
diet  to  Karlsruhe.  His  laziness  was  unbounded. 
They  were  not  sent  until  January,  after  my  re- 
peated urging. 

The  czar  ordered  Pozzo  to  return  to  Paris, 
and  said  to  him  that  he  wished  to  refuse  the  mar- 
riage of  the  Grand  Duchess  Anna  and  the  Due 
de  Berry,  because  the  difference  in  religion  hin- 
dered this.  He  had  small  confidence  in  the 
Bourbons. 

On  January  9  the  articles  on  Poland  were  dis- 
cussed in  the  conference.  Metternich  showed  a 
great  deal  of  bitterness.  Most  of  the  Polish  arti- 


412    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

cles  were  agreed  upon,  and  Lord  Castlereagh 
gave  his  declaration  in  the  manner  decided  upon, 
and  Metternich  joined  this;  therefore  Talley- 
rand is  to  be  admitted  to  the  conference  on  the 
eleventh.  The  statistical  committee  closed  its 
negotiations  on  the  ninth,  and  will  present  a  re- 
port signed  by  all  the  members.  The  Swiss  com- 
mittee also  ended  its  business  to-day  by  finish- 
ing its  final  report  and  the  project  of  the  declara- 
tion. Both  documents  will  be  drawn  up  on  Jan- 
uary 12  in  their  final  form  and  presented. 

On  January  12  Prussia  presented  details  of 
the  project  for  its  restoration,  and  demanded  an 
increase  of  600,000  souls  over  its  condition  in 
1805. 

The  King  of  Wurtemberg  presented  a  project 
in  which  he  called  on  the  czar  to  use  his  influ- 
ence to  bring  about  a  union  of  the  German 
princes  which  was  to  bring  external  security 
only. 

On  January  9th  the  czar  was  invited  by 
Prince  Metternich  to  a  ball  through  Count  Ignaz 
Hardegg.  He  replied  to  him:  "You  are  a  sol- 
dier, and  I  shall  speak  frankly  with  you.  Met- 
ternich has  given  me  a  declaration.  If  my  rela- 
tions permitted,  I  would  know  what  I  had  to 
do;  but  now  I  cannot  see  him."  He  and  his 
whole  family  did  not  attend. 

The  negotiations  were  long  interrupted  by  the 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  413 

silence  of  the  Austrians.  In  the  meantime  the 
negotiations  of  the  Polish  commission  contin- 
ued; this  consisted  of  Barbier  and  Hudelist,  act- 
ing for  Austria;  Anstetten  for  Russia;  and 
Stagemann,  Jordan,  and  Zerboni  for  Prussia, 
and  had  the  Polish  affair  for  its  subject. 

The  silence  of  the  Austrians  was  due  to  the 
fact  that  they  could  not  agree  with  the  English 
on  the  Saxon  reparation  plan,  did  not  wish  to 
have  Torgau  and  Leipsic  fall  to  Prussia,  and, 
made  a  new  proposal — that  Russia  give  them 
but  200,000  souls  from  Tarnopol  as  against  200,- 
000  to  Prussia  on  the  latter's  boundary-line. 
Czar  Alexander  refused  this  absolutely;  he 
caused  this  to  be  done  through  the  palatine  (Jan- 
uary 20-23),  and  Emperor  Francis  also  opposed 
the  idea.  Lord  Castlereagh  tried  to  make  him 
come  to  reasonable  views  with  regard  to  Torgau, 
and  at  last  he  agreed  that  it  go  to  Prussia  (Jan- 
uary 25 ) ,  and  insisted  only  on  Leipsic.  A  con- 
ference between  Austria,  England,  Russia, 
France,  and  Prussia  was  then  set  for  January 
28,  at  which  the  Austrian  counter-proposal  was 
submitted.  England  objects  to  the  transfer  of 
the  King  of  Saxony  to  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rhine,  because  this  would  endanger  his  inde- 
pendence from  France. 

Russia  answered  negatively  on  January  25  on 
the  Wiirtemberg  proposal,  and  repeated  its  de- 


414    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

termination  to  favor  unity  and  law  and  order  in 
Germany.  Herr  von  Humboldt  had  revised  his 
draft  for  a  federal  constitution  January  20-27, 
and  given  it  to  the  chancellor,  who  communicated 
it  to  Count  Minister,  who  is  now  reading  it. 

At  last  Prince  Metternich  presented  his  coun- 
ter-proposal (January  28)  and  a  note  in  which 
he  described  the  moderation  of  Austria  and  urged 
a  reasonable  rounding-out  of  territory  for  the 
King  of  Saxony.  The  proposal  included  1,200,- 
000  souls  and  the  land  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Saal  and  part  of  upper  Lusatia  along  the  Bo- 
hemian boundary.  The  adherents  of  the  King 
of  Saxony  were  aroused  by  the  partitioning  of 
their  country;  they  now  felt  how  mistaken  they 
were  in  their  idea  that  Prussia  would  be  forced 
to  be  satisfied  with  a  small  fragment  of  Saxony, 
and  realized  the  disaster  that  threatened  the  re- 
maining part  of  Saxony.  All  now  united  to  re- 
iterate that  it  was  better  not  to  divide  Saxony; 
that  Austria  should  have  insisted  only  upon  its 
military  boundary,  and  accused  France  and  Eng- 
land of  having  deserted  the  Saxon  and  Austrian 
cause.  On  January  29  even  General  Koller  and 
the  palatine  expressed  this  opinion  to  the  em- 
peror and  Grand  Duchess  Marie. 

Lord  Wellington  arrived  February  3,  and 
Castlereagh  was  called  away  by  the  imminent 
opening  of  parliament;  therefore  he  hastened  to 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  415 

bring  the  negotiations  to  an  end,  and  discussed 
with  the  chancellor  the  locating  of  the  boundaries 
between  Belgium  and  Germany.  On  this  occa- 
sion the  boundaries  between  Nassau  and  the 
Duchy  of  Berg  were  also  discussed. 

Schwarzenberg,  and  through  him  Emperor 
Francis,  were  disturbed  over  the  march  of  the 
Prussians  from  Xiederrhein  [lower  Rhine]  to 
the  Elbe.  Four  regiments  of  infantry,  twelve 
of  cavalry,  and  twelve  batteries  marched  back. 
They  considered  this  a  warlike  act,  but  Czar 
Alexander  and  the  king  calmed  them  on  this 
score.  The  czar  also  wants  to  see  the  end  of  the 
matter ;  so  he  advised  Hardenberg  to  agree  with 
Castlereagh  before  he  presented  his  counter- 
proposal. 

Czar  Alexander's  leaning  toward  Prussia  was 
somewhat  lessened,  partly  because  he  is  rather 
changeable  and  partly  because  he  believed  that 
Prussia  would  become  dependent  on  England 
and  France  by  its  Rhenish  provinces,  and  there- 
fore a  less  sure  ally  for  him.  Capo  d'Istria  di- 
rected his  attention  to  this,  and  this  view  he  ex- 
pressed to  the  Crown  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg 
when  he  said:  "I  am  through  with  the  negotia- 
tions with  Prussia,  as  it  took  part  in  the  coalition 
against  me;  but  despite  that,  I  will  carry  them 
on  to  the  end." 

The  czar  had  considered  the  conduct  of  Ba- 


416    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

varia  as  highly  unreasonable;  the  King  of  Ba- 
varia caused  a  memorandum  to  be  prepared  in 
which  he  described  his  dangerous  situation. 

The  negotiations  between  Castlereagh  and  the 
chancellor  now  began.  Leipsic  was  the  principal 
subject  of  discussion.  The  English  were  disin- 
clined to  help  Prussia  keep  it;  the  czar,  to  make 
matters  easier,  offered  to  give  up  Thorn.  Prus- 
sia complained  that  all  cities  of  consequence  had 
been  kept  from  its  share,  such  as  Gorlitz,  Baut- 
zen, Weissenfels,  Naumburg.  After  a  great  deal 
of  pro-and-con  talk  the  final  project  was  evolved. 
The  conferences  began  anew  on  February  11, 
and  the  points  affecting  Saxony,  Poland,  May- 
ence,  the  forts  of  the  confederation,  etc.,  were 
finally  decided  upon. 

Castlereagh  and  Wellington  proposed  an  arti- 
cle to  the  czar,  according  to  the  terms  of  which 
the  pacifically  inclined  powers  united  to  attack 
in  common  every  maker  of  war.  For  this  pur- 
pose a  declaration  was  drawn  up  by  Gentz,  full 
of  bombast  and  inflation.  The  czar  favored  the 
idea. 

In  an  interview  on  February  13,  Talleyrand 
attempted  to  move  the  czar  to  make  a  declaration 
against  Murat.  He  was  ready,  but  made  the 
condition  that  France  would  not  be  opposed  to 
him  in  the  Swiss  affairs.  These  were  to  be  dis- 
cussed anew  in  the  committee. 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  417 

Capo  d'Istria  had  given  the  czar  a  memoran- 
dum on  German  affairs  on  February  9  and  had 
broached  the  subject  of  giving  the  imperial 
power  (the  kaiserdom)  to  Austria.  The  czar 
asked  him  what  my  views  on  this  subject  were. 
Capo  d'Istria  replied  my  opinion  was  favora- 
ble, but  that  I  believed  a  union  with  Prussia  was* 
necessary,  and  the  czar  suggested  that  he  try 
this.  Hardenberg  expressed  his  disapproval  in 
his  interview  of  February  11  and  based  it  on  the 
lack  of  spirituality  of  the  Austrian  dynasty  and 
government.  I  remarked  that  this  immaturity 
was  temporary;  this  was  a  matter  of  constitu- 
tional organization,  etc.  I  put  off  a  closer  ex- 
planation of  the  authority  in  order  first  to  place 
it  before  the  czar.  In  his  interview  of  February 
12,  Metternich  also  seemed  inclined  to  accept 
the  imperial  honor,  and  promised  to  hear  Count 
Solms  and  Plessen  on  this  subject. 

On  the  seventeenth  I  spoke  with  the  czar  on 
the  necessity  of  reviving  the  imperial  dignity.  I 
placed  before  him  everything  included  in  my 
memorandum,  and  he  viewed  it  with  interest  and 
declared  that  he  wished  first  to  be  sure  of  the  as- 
sent of  the  King  of  Prussia.  I  remarked  that  the 
chancellor  did  not  seem  inclined  toward  my  view, 
but  that  General  Knesebeck  entirely  approved. 

I  asked  permission  to  depart;  the  czar  asked 
me  whether  the  German  affairs  allowed  me  to  do 


418    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

so.  I  replied  that  the  principal  matters  had 
been  disposed  of;  it  seemed  to  me  that  the  Ba- 
varian question  and  that  of  the  imperial  dignity 
,would  be  decided  in  a  few  days. 

February  18. — I  read  my  memorandum  on 
the  restoration  of  the  imperial  office  to  Rasu- 
mowskij  and  Capo  d'Istria  to-day.  Nesselrode 
began  a  discussion  with  Prince  Wrede  regarding 
the  viceroy  [Eugene  de  Beauharnais],  and 
Wrede  suggested  that  he  be  given  the  seven 
islands.  The  senate  had  commissioned  Capo 
d'Istria  to  demand  the  freedom  of  these  islands 
and  Castlereagh  favored  this. 

Wellington  began  his  diplomatic  career  with 
an  attempt  to  settle  the  Swiss  affair  by  offering 
the  Veltlin  to  Austria. 

On  February  19,  Count  Rasumowskij  called 
on  Prince  Metternich  in  a  note  to  end  the  con- 
ferences on  the  territorial  affairs  that  still  re- 
main to  be  adjusted. 

Prince  Metternich  had  an  interview  with 
Count  Solms  on  the  acceptance  of  the  imperial 
dignity  at  which  he  said  that  for  his  part  he  could 
neither  advise  for  it  or  against  it.  In  northern 
Germany  [he  said]  they  want  the  minor  princes, 
but  Prussia  was  disinclined,  and  Austria  would 
get  into  entanglements  with  Prussia  on  this  ac- 
count. There  was,  nevertheless,  a  counterbal- 
ance in  the  Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands.  In 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  419 

southern  Germany  Bavaria's  strength  hindered 
the  development  of  imperial  power,  and  here  it 
appeared  there  was  less  a  wish  for  a  constitution 
than  in  the  Xorth.  Count  Solms  replied  that  this 
was  the  case,  as  in  Wiirtemberg  everything  was 
disturbed  by  the  plan  for  a  constitution.  In 
order  to  get  peace  it  was  necessary  for  the  Con- 
gress to  issue  a  formal  request  to  the  king  to  de- 
lay the  introduction  of  a  constitution  until  the 
Congress  had  decided  on  the  general  principles. 

The  Mecklenburg  ambassador,  Plessen,  also 
had  an  interview  with  Wessenberg  on  the  resto- 
ration of  the  imperial  dignity,  in  which  the  lat- 
ter declared  that  he  considered  it  advisable  for 
Austria  to  accept  it;  in  the  meantime  the  em- 
peror had  told  Prince  von  Weilburg  he  would 
refuse  to  accept  it. 

On  the  24th,  Prince  Hardenberg  gave  Hum- 
boldt's  rebuttal  to  my  resolution  on  the  imperial 
dignity,  and  declared  that  as  Prussian  minister 
he  could  not  possibly  agree  to  this  increase  in  the 
Austrian  power ;  this  had  a  tendency  to  unite  with 
Bavaria  and  France  against  Russia,  Prussia,  and 
England ;  by  this  addition  its  power  would  be  in- 
creased. Hanover,  also,  would  not  agree;  he 
would  turn  every  one  against  him  in  Berlin  if  he 
allowed  Austria  to  seize  such  influence.  I  de- 
manded a  copy  of  the  statement  in  order  to 
refute  it.  He  promised  to  give  it  as  soon  as  he 


420    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

returned  from  the  king,  to  whom  he  was  about 
to  present  this  draft,  and  urged  me  to  let  the 
matter  drop,  as  it  only  gave  opportunity  for  new 
jealousy  between  Austria  and  Prussia. 

The  idea  of  appointing  Rasumowskij  seemed 
to  have  been  given  up  by  the  czar,  and  it  ap- 
peared to  be  his  plan  to  take  Nesselrode,  Anstet- 
ten,  and  Capo  d'Istria  to  St.  Petersburg  without 
naming  a  minister.  It  seems  that  he  means  to 
depart  about  March  15  if  the  Bavarian  terri- 
torial question  is  ended  and  a  number  of  general 
principles  governing  the  German  constitution 
are  determined  by  that  time.  Nesselrode  is  to 
remain  here. 

February  24. — My  interview  with  Lord  Wel- 
lington began  with  his  remark  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  regulate  German  affairs,  and  as  Ger- 
many had  no  unity,  the  agreement  between  Prus- 
sia and  Austria  and  the  disposition  of  public 
opinion  would  have  to  take  its  place.  Germany 
was  united  principally  by  speech  and  custom;  it 
was  divided  by  religion  and  political  interest. 
The  proposed  federative  institution  would  have 
to  be  supported  by  the  two  powers  and  by  pub- 
lic opinion.  The  latter  had  expressed  itself 
clearly  for  the  legal  constitution. 

I  replied  that  I  considered  the  German  affair 
in  its  present  condition  as  out  of  place.  It  had 
been  brought  there  by  the  system  at  first  fol- 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  421 

lowed  by  the  Austrians  of  letting  Germany  break 
up  into  many  parts;  then  the  acts  of  the  Rhine 
confederation  had  been  sanctioned  by  peace 
treaties  of  questionable  utility.  At  present  a 
plan  for  a  federation  had  been  evolved  which 
could  not  succeed  because  five  directing  and  sub- 
ordinate courts  divided  power  in  various  propor- 
tions. It  might  be  possible  to  remove  this  evil 
by  the  appointment  of  a  head  for  the  federation, 
as  actually  the  true  political  interests  of  Prussia 
and  Austria  were  not  opposed. 

He  replied  that  the  appointment  of  such  a  head 
was  not  now  possible;  something,  however,  had 
to  be  done  to  fulfil  the  agreements  made  by  all 
the  nations  on  the  German  affair  and  to  allay 
the  feelings  of  the  people.  There  was  suspense 
everywhere,  and  a  military-republican  spirit  was 
appearing,  especially  in  Prussia. 

I  remarked  that  in  a  country  where  a  consti- 
tution had  existed  and  where  the  people  were 
accustomed  to  law  and  order  it  was  necessary  to 
restore  a  similar  one  and  to  end  arbitrary  action. 
Anarchy  [I  continued]  was  repulsive  to  the  Ger- 
man spirit  and  the  German  being.  If  the  pow- 
ers wished  to  fulfil  their  agreements,  the  inter- 
rupted conferences  on  the  German  affair  would 
have  to  be  renewed,  on  behalf  of  which  Harden- 
berg  spoke  to  Prince  Metternich. 

He  replied  that  he  would  consider  this.    Met 


422    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

ternich  had  told  him  of  a  Prussian  plan  of  120 
articles,  which  seemed  too  extensive. 

I  spoke  of  the  possibility  of  abridging  it.  In 
this  case  only  the  principal  clauses  need  be  lifted 
out,  and  the  more  detailed  developments  turned 
over  to  a  special  federal  committee.  The  ac- 
celeration of  the  work  of  the  Congress  was 
greatly  to  be  desired,  as  the  departure  of  the 
monarchs  was  necessary.  Most  urgent  was  the 
removal  of  the  provisional  government,  and  the 
ending  of  the  Bavarian  territorial  discussion. 
The  provisional  government  brought  with  it  the 
great  cost  of  quartering  troops  in  the  occupied 
countries  and  great  expense  for  the  allied  pow- 
ers. In  deciding  on  the  case  of  Bavaria  it  was 
necessary  to  exercise  caution  to  prevent  it  from 
coming  in  contact  with  France  by  possessions  on 
the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine.  The  spirit  of  French 
politics  would  always  be  disastrous  for  Germany 
and  its  neighbors.  It  was  therefore  necessary  to 
limit  the  Bavarian  lands  to  the  right  bank  of  the 
Rhine  and  contiguous  territory. 

Lord  Wellington  remarked  that  it  seemed  nec- 
essary to  place  a  larger  power,  ready  for  war,  on 
the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  in  preference  to  many 
small  ones,  which  might  be  easily  demoralized 
and  overturned  by  France,  and  asked  whether 
I  did  not  believe  that  when  Austria  possessed 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  423 

Salzburg  it  could  hold  Bavaria  in  its  sphere  of 
interest  by  its  preponderance. 

I  replied  that  the  organization  of  a  greater 
power  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  was  useful 
only  in  so  far  as  its  loyalty  could  be  depended 
upon,  which  was  not  the  case  of  Bavaria.  Ger- 
many was  sufficiently  defended  against  a  first 
attack  by  France  by  the  line  of  federal  forts  and 
by  the  strengthening  of  Belgium  and  Prussia. 
Austria  had  shown  itself  to  be  very  weak  toward 
Bavaria  despite  its  superior  power,  and  in  view 
of  its  moral  weakness  it  was  necessary  to  avoid 
all  entanglements  in  which  it  might  be  involved 
through  Bavaria  and  France. 

The  czar  made  himself  disagreeable  anew  with- 
out reason  when  he  made  the  cause  of  the  Em- 
press Marie  Louise  and  Eugene  de  Beauharnais 
his  own  with  a  great  deal  of  spirit,  demanding 
Parma  and  Piacenza  for  the  former,  and  a  sov- 
ereignty in  Italy  for  the  other,  despite  the  fact 
that  Emperor  Francis  had  declared  that  he  de- 
clined Parma  and  Piacenza,  and  would  give  his 
daughter  lands  in  the  hereditary  states  of  the 
crown.  The  empress  had  written  Czar  Alexan- 
der and  asked  for  his  support.  She  is  a  shallow 
Frenchwoman,  who  acts  as  if  she  has  forgotten 
everything  German,  and  who  allows  General 
Neipperg  to  pay  her  court. 

February  26. — I  asked  Chancellor  Harden- 


424    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

berg  for  the  memorandum  of  Humboldt.  He 
sent  Humboldt  himself  to  me  with  a  refusal,  be- 
cause he  considered  the  matter  [of  the  imperial 
crown  for  Austria]  detrimental  for  Prussia,  and 
hoped  that  it  would  be  dropped.  Otherwise  it 
might  become  a  bone  of  contention  between 
Prussia  and  Austria  and  increase  the  bitterness 
between  them.  I  remembered  that  it  was  neces- 
sary, as  the  chancellor  did  not  give  me  the  com- 
plete reasons  for  his  opposition,  that  he  place 
them  before  the  czar  himself  and  that  he  ask  an 
audience  for  this  purpose.  In  this  Humboldt 
was  agreed. 

Shortly  afterward  Plessen  arrived  and  told 
me  that  Wessenberg  recognized  the  advantage 
of  the  restoration  of  the  imperial  dignity  and 
had  promised  him  a  more  detailed  discussion. 
I  therefore  considered  it  necessary  (February 
27)  to  urge  this  matter  again  to  the  chancellor 
in  a  special  letter. 

The  chancellor  sent  me  the  Humboldt  memo- 
randum on  March  4,  a  tangled,  sophisticated, 
poorly  written  document. 

In  the  meantime  the  Bavarian  territorial  mat- 
ters were  concluded.  Metternich  did  not  reply 
to  the  note  of  Count  Rasumowskij  regarding  the 
continuation  of  the  conferences,  and  the  latter 
did  not  urge  an  answer  in  an  earnest  and  forceful 
manner.  He  conferred  with  Wellington,  Wrede, 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  425 

and  Nesselrode,  who  had  forced  himself  back  by 
his  perseverance  and  his  familiarity,  with  the  help 
of  Prince  Peter  Wolkonskij,  and  who  contin- 
ually tried  to  end  the  matter  according  to  the 
views  of  Metternich,  indifferent  to  the  methods 
he  used,  and  incapable  of  correctly  valuing  this 
method. 

On  March  2  the  chancellor  gave  the  czar  a 
sketch  of  the  Bavarian  demands,  which  he  handed 
me  for  examination.  I  had  given  him  a  memo- 
randum of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden  on  the 
third,  in  which  the  latter  presented  his  arguments 
against  surrendering  the  Pfalz  region  to  Bava- 
ria. He  had  wished  to  give  it  to  the  czar,  but 
could  get  no  audience,  and  therefore  gave  it  to 
the  empress,  who  sent  it  to  me  with  the  request 
that  I  place  it  before  the  czar.  I  convinced  him 
that  the  interest  of  Baden  was  less  concerned 
here  than  that  of  Germany,  that  Bavaria,  in  re- 
ceiving Mannheim  and  Hanau,  cut  the  rest  of 
southern  Germany  from  the  northern  part,  came 
into  touch  with  France,  and  was  in  agreement 
with  both  Austria  and  France,  and  so  could  en- 
ter into  diplomatic  relations  with  both  united  or 
with  each  separately.  This  was  so  much  the 
worse  because  an  agreement  between  Austria, 
France,  and  Bavaria  against  Russia  and  Prussia 
could  be  foreseen  and  would  be  made  more  dan- 
gerous by  a  line  drawn  between  the  Main  and 


426    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

the  Neckar.  The  czar  convinced  himself  of  this 
and  called  the  grand  duke  on  March  4,  but  the 
latter  was  in  bed  with  a  catarrhal  fever  and  could 
not  come.  Capo  d'Istria  called  the  attention  of 
the  czar  to  this  alliance  and  to  the  dependence  on 
England  of  Prussia,  brought  about  by  its  prov- 
inces on  the  lower  Rhine,  and  the  necessity  of 
building  a  firm,  political  system  for  this  country. 
He  declared  that  at  present  everything  depended 
upon  a  solution  of  the  questions  at  issue  and  the 
cultivation  of  good  relations  with  Prussia. 

The  czar  seemed  to  have  given  up  the  idea 
of  employing  Rasumowskij.  Nesselrode  had 
forced  himself  back  into  favor;  the  negotiations 
in  the  conferences  had  reopened  without  the 
presence  of  Rasumowskij  and  Capo  d'Istria; 
therefore  very  little  favorable  action  was  to  be 
expected  in  the  regulation  of  territorial  affairs; 
it  could  be  foreseen  that  Bavaria  would  be  most 
extraordinarily  favored.  The  German  Confed- 
eration itself  would  be  most  incomplete  if  the 
idea  of  not  choosing  a  head  for  it  was  persisted 
in. 

The  half-way  relations  that  I  had  [with  the 
czar]  could  only  make  me  depressed.  I  had  in- 
fluence without  effective  direction,  and  influence 
on  most  incapable  men,  who  were  to  be  used  as 
tools  for  achieving  great  aims.  Lack  of  con- 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  427 

centration  and  depth  in  one;  dullness  and  the 
coldness  of  age  in  the  other;  weakness  of  will, 
coarseness,  and  dependence  on  Metternich  in 
the  third ;  the  frivolity  of  all — these  were  the  rea- 
sons why  no  great,  noble,  philanthropic  idea, 
completely  conceived,  could  spring  to  life.  I 
needed  only  a  firm  determination  to  shake  off 
these  unfortunate  entanglements,  and  it  was  ad- 
visable to  take  this  step  soon,  at  least  before  the 
miserable  conduct  of  the  group  had  fully  as- 
serted itself. 

March  4. — Nesselrode  wanted  to  talk  with 
Capo  d'Istria  about  the  Bavarian  affairs,  but 
was  greatly  surprised  to  hear  that  the  latter  was 
informed  on  this  subject  and  that  he  did  not  con- 
sider them  reasonable.  "They  are  the  ideas  of 
Baron  Stein."  He  replied  that  the  czar  did  noth- 
ing in  German  affairs  without  consulting  me. 
Xesselrode  wanted  to  place  the  case  before  the 
czar  to-day — March  5.  It  was  therefore  good 
that  the  latter  was  prepared  for  this.  Metter- 
nich said  to  Rasumowskij  that  he  would  send 
Wessenberg  to  the  chancellor  to  present  a  coun- 
ter-project to  Bavaria's  demands.  On  March 
5,  I  gave  the  czar  a  memorandum  on  the  Ba- 
varian demands  for  annexation  which  he  gave 
Count  Rasumowskij  in  place  of  instructions. 

March  7  and  8. — Wessenberg,  Grolman,  Hoff- 
mann, the  chancellor,  drafted  a  new  plan  for 


428    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

a  discussion  between  Austria  and  Bavaria.  1 
had  a  talk  with  Lord  Wellington  about  this 
and  spoke  of  the  contents  of  my  memorandum. 
He  remarked  that  Prince  Wrede's  demands  were 
preposterous  and  that  he  had  a  right  only  to 
insist  on  the  conditions  of  the  peace  of  Ried ;  that 
the  danger  for  Germany  would  not  be  great  if  it 
was  divided  through  the  Rhenish  Pfalz,  because 
Bavaria  still  remained  dependent  on  Austria  and 
Prussia;  that  it  desired  a  point  of  support  in 
Hanau.  The  political  behavior  of  Bavaria  be- 
fore 1805  had  been  good  and  friendly  toward 
Austria;  Frankfort  must  remain  a  free  city. 

My  answer  was  that  the  possession  of  the 
Rhenish  Pfalz  and  Mannheim  would  be  dan- 
gerous for  Germany  when  Prussia  and  Austria 
disagreed.  No  matter  how  necessary  it  was  to 
keep  this  connection  between  the  two  powers 
for  their  own  good  and  the  good  of  Germany,  a 
misunderstanding  was  easily  possible,  and  in  this 
case  the  possession  of  this  line  [by  Bavaria] 
would  be  most  detrimental  to  Germany.  Under 
the  Elector  Karl  Theodore,  a  prince  of  the  old 
style,  the  behavior  of  Bavaria  had  been  good; 
the  present  cabinet  was  most  evilly  inclined ;  Ba- 
varia did  not  need  a  point  of  support  on  the 
Main;  it  was  not  well  located  for  a  military  cen- 
ter; only  Ingolstadt,  Donauworth,  or  Nurem- 
berg could  serve  this  purpose. 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  429 

The  report  of  Napoleon's  adventure  on  March 
7  caused  general  apprehension  and  brought  the 
parties  closer  together.  It  was  received  by  Lord 
Wellington.  He  was  worried  about  the  bad 
spirit  of  the  French  Army  and  the  knowledge 
Napoleon  might  have  of  this.  The  lust  for  war, 
the  tendency  to  license,  the  desire  to  avenge,  the 
feeling  of  insult,  ill  will  at  the  loss  of  their  dota- 
tions and  respect,  influenced  the  army  and  the 
people,  and  an  outbreak  of  this  hostile  spirit  was 
to  be  feared.  In  Italy  there  is  general  discon- 
tent because  of  lost  nationality  and  the  many 
mistakes  of  the  Austrian  administration.  Murat 
was  ready  to  strike.  The  Austrian  Army  was 
hardly  40,000  men  strong.  This  condition  caused 
general  apprehension.  The  cabinets  came  closer 
together,  and  attempted  to  dispose  of  the  remain- 
ing controversies. 

The  czar  declared  loudly  that  he  was  ready  to 
maintain  the  Treaty  of  Paris  at  the  head  of  his 
army.  In  a  talk  with  Capo  d'Istria  he  said  the 
same  thing,  and  declared  he  would  make  his  con- 
ditions in  advance,  and  would  not  lay  himself 
open  to  new  difficulties  and  interference  by  his 
allies  if  public  affairs  were  to  be  settled.  He 
wanted  no  enlargement  of  territory,  but  needed 
subsidies  to  carry  on  the  war. 

I  told  Capo  d'Istria  that  it  was  necessary  to 
issue  a  declaration  of  the  eight  powers  that  they 


430    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

were  determined  to  maintain  the  Treaty  of  Paris. 
By  this  the  French  would  be  warned,  and  the 
dangers  of  a  foreign  war  brought  to  their  at- 
tention. 

The  Empress  [of  Russia]  departed  on  March 
9.  She  was  sad.  Her  relations  with  the  czar 
were  cold  and  reserved ;  she  has  a  touch  of  timid- 
ity in  her  character  and  a  delicate  feeling  akin 
to  sensitiveness.  There  is  no  doubt  that  if  she 
had  more  vivacity,  dexterity,  and  openness  she 
would  come  close  to  the  czar.  Yet  he  is  supposed 
to  place  a  high  value  on  delicacy,  moderation, 
culture,  dignity,  resignation,  and  graciousness. 
The  King  of  Bavaria  may  have  contributed  some- 
thing to  the  distance  between  them  by  his  gossip 
and  tale-bearing. 

March  11. — The  report  of  Bonaparte's  land- 
ing in  the  neighborhood  of  Grasse,  department 
of  Var,  disturbed  not  a  few.  The  czar  had  al- 
ready sent  an  explanation  to  his  business  agent 
in  Switzerland  on  March  9,  in  which  he  expressed 
his  determination  to  uphold  the  stipulations  of 
the  Treaty  of  Paris.  The  commands  to  stop  de- 
mobilization of  the  Prussian  Army  had  been  sent 
out;  a  military  conference  was  held  to-day  by 
Schwarzenberg,  Walkonskij,  and  Knesebeck. 
All  minds  were  brought  closer  together  by  their 
worry  over  the  future;  the  French  embassy  was 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  431 

greatly  satisfied  with  the  declaration  of  the  czar. 
The  King  of  Bavaria  became  anxious,  and  it 
could  be  seen  that  the  territorial  question  would 
soon  be  decided. 

It  was  also  necessary  to  accelerate  the  disqus- 
sion  of  the  constitution  in  order  to  calm  the  spirits 
of  the  inhabitants.  I  therefore  proposed  that  the 
essential  points  be  agreed  upon  hurriedly  and 
published,  and  that  the  development  of  details 
be  left  to  the  federal  deputies  assembled  here. 
Count  Minister  held  this  view;  Chancellor  Har- 
denberg,  however,  who  thought  only  of  war, 
thought  the  matter  would  have  to  be  held  in 
abeyance. 

In  the  meantime  came  the  correspondence 
with  the  King  of  Wurtemberg,  who  insisted  that 
he  was  entitled  to  introduce  a  constitution  with- 
out the  cooperation  of  the  German  committee  and 
without  taking  into  account  the  claims  of  the  me- 
diatized princes.  A  joint  communication  by 
Hanover,  Prussia,  and  Austria  on  this  subject 
was  agreed  upon. 

The  recent  developments  led  the  czar  to  offer 
the  position  of  chancellor  of  state  to  Count  Rasu- 
mowskij  on  March  9  through  Nesselrode;  he 
took  the  matter  under  advisement  and  on  the 
eleventh  had  not  yet  decided  what  to  do.  He 
was  concerned  over  the  difficulties  of  the  post, 


432    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

his  age,  and  his  anxiety  at  the  unsystematic  man- 
ner in  which  the  czar  conducted  affairs. 

"Metternich  is  good  and  well  meaning,  but  is 
lazy,  vain,  and  proud,"  his  friend  the  Countess 
F—  W—  told  me. 

The  King  of  Saxony  has  refused  the  proposal 
of  Metternich,  Talleyrand,  and  Wellington 
(March  9)  that  he  accept  the  part  of  Saxony 
which  has  been  left  to  him,  and  has  presented  a 
note  which  he  hoped  to  make  the  basis  for  nego- 
tiations, but  which  was  refused  by  the  ministers 
without  comment.  It  is  believed  that  he  will 
eventually  acquiesce.  It  is  odd  that  to  overcome 
the  refusal  of  the  king  these  ministers  had  to  ad- 
vance the  same  arguments  that  Russia  and  Prus- 
sia used  against  them  to  substantiate  their  claims 
on  Saxony. 

The  act  declaring  Napoleon  an  outlaw  was  is- 
sued on  March  14;  I  had  already  urged  it  on  the 
eighth,  a  strange  change  in  fortune.  He  who 
declared  me  outside  the  law  on  December  15, 
1808,  is  now  placed  in  a  similar  and  much  more 
dangerous  position  by  a  resolution  of  the  great 
European  powers. 

Baron  von  Stein  refers  to  the  incident  which  is 
responsible  for  his  position  in  the  service  of  the  Rus- 
sian Czar.  Napoleon,  alarmed  at  Stein's  plans  to 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  433 

unify  Germany,  forced  his  exile.     Stein  fled  to  Austria 
and  later  to  Russia. 

Metternich  has  not  yet  sent  his  note  to  the 
King  of  Wiirtemberg.  In  the  meantime  the  dis- 
content in  Suabia  grows.  The  mediatized 
princes  are  protesting  formally  against  the  con- 
stitution of  Wiirtemberg.  Disturbances  brought 
about  by  the  severity  of  the  excise  act  are  break- 
ing out  in  Baden. 

The  Grand  Duke  [of  Baden]  gave  me  a  com- 
munication for  the  czar  on  the  fourteenth  in 
which  he  recognized  the  right  of  succession  of 
Count  von  Hochberg;  the  czar  replied,  giving 
his  approval. 

The  upheaval  in  France  is  a  result  of  the  deep- 
seated  decay  of  the  nation,  which,  led  on  by  greed 
and  a  desire  for  vengeance,  preferred  the  rule 
of  a  tyrant  to  the  mild  and  lawful  government  of 
a  reasonable,  pious  king;  wrhich  welcomed  the 
former  everywhere  with  joy  and  gaily  prepared 
for  a  war  of  conquest  and  pillage.  It  forgets 
the  physical  and  spiritual  oppression  under  which 
it  had  existed  before,  the  arbitrary  manner  in 
which  its  life  and  property  was  dealt  with,  the 
destruction  of  its  trade,  the  waste  of  the  lives  of 
its  children,  and  wishes  only  to  attack  the  neigh- 
boring nations  anew  and  to  rob  and  oppress 
them.  The  signal  for  a  new  struggle  has  been 


434    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

given.  God  will  bless  the  arms  of  the  allies  and 
will  punish  the  wicked  nation  for  its  crimes.  The 
French  embassy,  which  has  spread  confusion  and 
injured  so  much  here;  the  Bavarian,  which 
helped  fan  the  flames  of  war,  now  have  to  seek 
the  help  of  Prussia  and  Russia,  after  having  tried 
to  destroy  the  first  and  raise  the  suspicions  of 
Europe  against  the  second.  They  declare  that 
the  revolution  is  solely  a  work  of  conspiracy  in 
the  army,  which  is  forcing  the  hated  tyrant  on  a 
nation  that  is  kindly  disposed. 

Czar  Alexander  was  ready  and  determined  to 
renew  the  struggle  and  gave  up  his  own  com- 
mand over  the  army,  which  he  should  have  kept 
for  himself;  at  least  he  should  have  insisted  on 
the  removal  of  -  — .  Czar  Alexander  made 
friends  again  with  Metternich  at  the  request  of 
Emperor  Francis.  The  emperor  used  the  occa- 
sion to  ask  the  Russian  Czar  not  to  refer  again 
to  his  aversion  for  Metternich.  The  czar  gave  his 
promise;  said  that  unforgiveness  was  contrary 
to  the  duty  of  a  Christian,  and  afterward  had  a 
number  of  conferences  with  him  (March  16-19). 

The  French  people  are  mutinous,  rebellious, 
as  their  history  teaches  us.  This  comes  from  their 
frivolity,  vivaciousness,  greed,  vices  that  can  no 
longer  be  held  in  check  by  religion  and  culture. 

The  present  occurrences  take  on  the  character 
of  a  conspiracy  in  the  army,  not  a  revolution  that 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  435 

comes  from  the  desire  of  the  whole  nation,  as  can 
be  deduced  by  a  comparison  of  its  progress  with 
that  of  the  Revolution  of  1789.  The  Revolution 
was  rapid,  general,  with  a  great  flaring-up;  the 
present  movement  appears  local,  treacherous,  and 
timid.  I  made  this  observation  to  Capo  d'Istria, 
who  discussed  it  in  a  memorandum  that  he 
handed  to  the  czar  (March  21  and  22).  He  was 
impelled  to  do  this  by  the  draft  for  a  treaty  of 
alliance  between  England,  Russia,  Austria,  and 
Prussia,  in  which  the  allies  joined  against  the  un- 
dertaking of  Napoleon,  and  which  was  rather  un- 
certain on  the  subject  of  subsidies.  According 
to  his  view,  subsidies  should  most  certainly  be 
asked  of  England,  and  the  promise  should  be  ob- 
tained from  Austria  that  the  Empress  Marie 
Louise  and  her  son  relinquish  all  claims  on  the 
imperial  dignity. 

Prince  Eugene  de  Beauharnais  won  the  protec- 
tion of  the  Russian  Czar,  who  gained  the  consent 
of  Emperor  Francis  to  this  at  the  time  when 
he  acceded  to  the  latter's  wish  that  he  again  be- 
come friends  with  Metternich.  Eugene  said  the 
proclamation  of  the  allies  against  Napoleon 
would  cause  the  whole  French  nation  to  rise 
against  them  and  unite  to  support  Napoleon; 
there  would  be  uprisings  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rhine,  in  Poland,  and  in  Saxony. 

March  22. — The  King  of  Saxony  accepted 


436    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

the  land  that  had  been  set  aside  for  him,  and 
made  only  the  reservation  that  he  call  various  no- 
tables first  and  advise  them  of  the  necessity  of  his 
acceptance.  An  evil  spirit  favoring  Napoleon 
has  been  observed  in  Dresden  and  among  the 
Saxon  Army  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine. 

There  is  a  malignant  spirit  among  the  Saxon 
troops,  in  Warsaw  and  to  some  extent  on  the 
lower  Rhine.  The  joy  of  many  at  Napoleon's 
arrival  was  shown  in  a  most  unworthy  manner 
in  many  instances. 

Joseph  Bonaparte  wrote  a  most  peculiar  let- 
ter to  the  Austrian  business  agent  in  Switzerland, 
Herr  von  Schraut.  He  told  him  that  it  was  the 
wish  of  the  army  and  the  nation  to  recall  Na- 
poleon in  order  to  free  them  of  the  unworthy  gov- 
ernment of  the  Bourbons,  which  was  a  bad  dream. 
In  this  letter  was  inclosed  a  bulletin  which  an- 
nounced that  Paris  and  the  northern  garrisons 
had  been  occupied  and  that  a  provisional  govern- 
ment had  been  named,  consisting  of  Cambaceres, 
Davout,  Sieyes,  and  Caulaincourt ;  Joseph  fur- 
ther wrote  that  he  wished  to  give  Herr  von 
Schraut  information  of  the  greatest  importance 
for  the  peace  of  Europe.  This  discloses  that  the 
conspirators  counted  with  confidence  on  the  suc- 
cess of  the  adventure  of  the  Generals  Lefebvre, 
Desnouettes,  1'Allemand,  and  Drouet,  and  that 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  437 

Joseph  Bonaparte  was  an  accomplice  and  had 
knowledge  of  it. 

In  all  probability  the  downfall  of  Napoleon 
may  be  expected,  because  their  undertakings 
failed,  and  because  public  opinion,  especially  in 
the  Prussian  state,  was  loudly  against  the  tyrant, 
which  had  an  effect  on  the  feeling  in  the  army. 
Furthermore  for  these  reasons:  because  of  the 
declaration  of  the  powers  to  concentrate  all  their 
strength  to  fight  Napoleon,  thus  preventing  the 
danger  of  an  invasion  of  France;  because  the 
marshals  and  foremost  generals  remained  loyal 
and  took  effective  action;  because  all  authorities 
and  all  departments  declared  themselves  against 
Napoleon ;  and  the  king  was  calm  and  firm.  The 
courtiers  are  said  to  have  conducted  themselves 
dishonorably  and  cowardly.  Blacas  threw  him- 
self at  the  feet  of  Louis  XVIII  and  begged  him 
to  depart;  but  the  king  remained  unmoved. 

On  the  twenty-third  Herr  von  Plessen,  Count 
Keller,  and  Senator  Smidt  presented  to  Prince 
Metternich  and  Hardenberg  the  note  of  March 
22  [in  which  they  asked  that  th'e  basis  for  the 
German  constitution  be  agreed  on] .  They  added 
orally  a  request  for  a  declaration  on  the  accept- 
ance of  the  imperial  dignity.  Prince  Metternich 
assured  them  explicitly  that  the  Congress  was 
not  to  adjourn  until  the  foundation  for  the  Ger- 
man constitution  had  been  laid.  He  said  that 


438    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

Austria  could  not  now  accept  the  imperial  dignity 
because  of  the  opposition  of  Prussia  and  Bavaria. 
Herr  von  Plessen  observed  that  at  the  very  least 
a  strong,  single  direction  was  necessary.  Prince 
Hardenberg  gave  a  similar  answer.  He  added 
that  he  was  unable  to  support  the  proposal  of  in- 
stituting the  imperial  dignity,  because  if  it  was 
strong,  it  would  be  disadvantageous  for  Prussia, 
and  if  weak,  it  would  be  useless.  A  guiding  hand, 
however,  was  needed.  Humboldt,  he  said,  was 
busy  compiling  a  survey  of  his  plan. 

The  events  in  Wiirtemberg  became  known  here 
to-day,  March  26,  and  caused  the  greatest  joy 
among  all  who  were  favorably  disposed.  The 
firm,  lawful,  and  forceful  conduct  of  this  assem- 
bly was  in  strongest  contrast  to  the  action  of  the 
French.  The  Count  of  Artois  and  MacDonald 
had  the  garrison  of  Lyons  drawn  up,  but  they 
could  not  force  them  to  cry,  "Five  le  roil"  They 
cried,  "Vive  la  France!"  and  "Five  la  Marechal!" 
As  soon  as  the  troops  of  Napoleon  appeared, 
every  one  cried,  "Nous  voulons  fraterniser!"; 
rushed  upon  them  and  pulled  the  marshal  from 
his  horse,  so  that  he  had  to  take  safety  in  flight, 
followed  for  three  miles  by  Bonaparte's  hussars. 

A  treaty  of  alliance  was  signed  on  March  27 
by  Austria,  Russia,  England,  and  Prussia,  by 
which  they  agreed  to  send  at  least  450,000  men 
against  Napoleon  and  to  fight  for  the  integrity 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  439 

of  the  Treaty  of  Paris  of  May  31,  1814.  The 
question  of  subsidies  was  held  in  abeyance. 

The  bitterness  in  Saxony  against  the  Prussians 
increased  and  showed  itself  in  the  most  incompre- 
hensible manner;  at  the  levying  of  the  central 
taxes,  at  the  promulgation  of  the  statutes,  etc. 
The  former  was  necessary  to  take  care  of  de- 
mands that  grew  out  of  march  of  the  Russians 
through  Saxony. 

In  view  of  the  thoroughly  perverted  spirit  of 
the  [French]  Army,  it  was  necessary  to  weaken 
it  and  to  adopt  national  mobilization  as  a  counter- 
measure.  Count  Dupont  was  active  in  this  di- 
rection. As,  however,  the  political  role  was  not 
to  be  neglected  in  foreign  affairs,  as  Talleyrand 
still  had  a  voice  in  the  Saxon  situation,  and  this 
needed  support,  Marshal  Soult  was  placed  at  the 
head  of  the  army.  A  conspiracy  developed. 

Two  months  before  Barras  had  an  interview 
with  Blacas,  in  which  he  directed  attention  to 
Bonaparte's  intrigues  and  his  connections  with 
Murat,  and  insisted  that  Bonaparte  be  arrested, 
so  that  he  could  try  to  get  Murat  to  abdicate. 
Blacas  paid  no  attention  to  this  proposal,  and 
Talleyrand  also  was  dazzled  by  his  own  ar- 
rogance. Pozzo  asked  him  several  times  (in 
October  and  November,  1814)  to  bring  up  at  the 
Congress  the  question  of  the  arrest  of  Xapoleon. 
He  received  the  reply,  "N'en  parlez  pas;  c'est  un 


440    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

homme  mort"  ["Do  not  speak  of  him ;  he  is  a  dead 
man"].  When  he  was  told  of  the  mutinous  spirit 
of  the  army  he  replied,  "Le  roi  pent  faire  marcher 
150,000  hommes  et  les  dissoudre"  ["The  king  is 
able  to  assemble  150,000  men  and  to  scatter 
them"].  When  on  March  8  he  urged  the  neces- 
sity of  going  to  Presburg  to  settle  the  affair  with 
the  King  of  Saxony,  Count  Rasumowskij  re- 
marked that  it  was  highly  necessary  to  determine 
the  attitude  of  the  Congress  toward  Napoleon 
and  to  publish  it;  he  continued  in  his  view  and 
said:  "C'est  une  affaire  majeure,  celle  de  I3 accep- 
tation du  roi  de  Saxe.  II  faut  avant  tout  la  ter- 
miner"  ["This  affair  of  the  acceptance  of  the 
King  of  Saxony  is  more  important.  It  is  neces- 
sary to  end  it  before  everything  else"].  The 
declaration,  therefore,  did  not  leave  until  March 
14  and  had  not  reached  Paris  by  the  twentieth, 
when  it  might  have  been  there  on  the  sixteenth; 
therefore  could  not  be  made  public  when  the  king 
left.  It  was  believed  in  Paris  for  a  long  time  that 
the  declaration  had  been  withdrawn  and  that 
Austria  supported  Napoleon. 

The  French  ambassador  in  Turin,  Marquis 
d'Osmond,  had  also  told  the  ministers  in  the 
winter  of  1814  about  the  relations  of  the  Bona- 
partists  with  their  chief.  All  reports  received  by 
General  -  -  on  April  2  and  by  other  members 
of  the  assembly  confirmed  the  report  that  the 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  441 

undertaking  of  Napoleon  was  carried  out  against 
the  wishes  of  the  nation,  and  succeeded  only  with 
the  support  of  the  greater  part  of  the  army ;  that 
he  found  it  necessary  to  negotiate  with  the 
Jacobins  and  to  flatter  them.  This  was  the  rea- 
son for  the  demobilization  of  the  national  guard 
and  the  freedom  of  the  press. 

The  baseness  of  Ney  surpassed  all  bounds.  He 
kissed  the  king's  hand  with  feeling,  wept,  ob- 
tained 500,000  francs  from  him  with  which  to  pay 
his  debts,  as  he  was  going  forth  to  face  death  for 
him,  and  said,  "  Je  vous  amenerai  le  tigre  muscle" 
["I  will  bring  back  the  tiger  to  you  muzzled"]. 
When  he  related  this  to  Napoleon  he  added,  with 
laughter,  "J'ai  interieurement  bien  ri  du  gros 
cocliori"  ["Inwardly  I  laughed  heartily  at  this 
big  hog"]. 

Prince  Wrede  would  not  accept  the  division  of 
territory  agreed  upon  by  Prussia,  Austria,  Rus- 
sia, and  England  (April  4),  and  reserved  his  ex- 
planation. The  disturbing  sense  of  his  own  im- 
portance of  this  man  worked  disadvantageously 
at  the  discussions  on  the  German  constitution, 
which  he  weakened;  in  the  misunderstandings 
regarding  Saxony,  which  he  augmented  and  em- 
bittered ;  and  finally  at  the  settlement  of  the  terri- 
torial question,  which  he  held  up.  No  agreement 
could  be  reached  in  two  conferences  because  Ba- 
varia insisted  upon  retaining  the  territory  which 


442    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

it  held  and  administered,  and  this  caused  further 
complications.  At  the  same  time  Murat  began 
hostilities,  and  everything  united  to  place  em- 
phasis upon  the  disastrous  progress  of  the  Con- 
gress and  to  increase  the  embarrassment  of  Met- 
ternich,  brought  about  by  his  frivolity  and  a  cer- 
tain receptivity  and  good  nature.  A  bad  spirit 
was  shown  at  the  Munich  court. 

April  8. — The  departure  of  King  Louis 
XVIII  was  so  rapid  that  Jaucourt,  the  represen- 
tative of  M.  de  Talleyrand,  left  behind  him  [in 
Paris]  papers  dealing  with  the  newest*  develop- 
ments at  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  and  among 
others  the  treaty  of  alliance  of  January  4,  1815, 
between  France,  Austria,  England,  and  Bavaria 
aimed  against  powers  which  made  excessive  de- 
mands. Bassano  turned  this  treaty  over  to  the 
Russian  agent  But j akin,  who  gave  it  to  Czar 
Alexander.  This  stirred  up  the  czar,  who  be- 
came heated  and  ill  tempered,  but  declared  that, 
nevertheless,  he  would  oppose  Napoleon  strenu- 
ously and  cheerfully.  Shortly  afterward  Talley- 
rand assured  Nesselrode  that  only  unimportant 
papers  had  been  left  behind  by  Jaucourt;  and 
when  Nesselrode  appeared  to  doubt  this,  he  con- 
tinued: "Ah,  je  sais  de  quoi  vous  voulez  parler — 
c'est  ce  traite;  il  a  ete  feat  sans  mauvaise  intention. 
Quant  a  moi,  j'ai  voulu  rompre  la  quadruple  al- 
liance" ["Ah,  I  know  of  what  you  would  speak— 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  443 

the  treaty ;  it  was  made  without  any  evil  intention. 
So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  wished  to  disrupt  the 
quadruple  alliance"].  The  dastard! 

Xapoleon  stood  between  the  license  of  the  sol- 
diery and  the  superior  power  of  the  French:  the 
former  oppressed  and  aroused  the  inhabitants; 
the  latter  forced  him  to  take  Fouche  and  Carnot 
into  the  ministry,  to  announce  the  freedom  of  the 
press,  and  to  start  work  on  a  new  constitution. 
He  lived  in  suspense  and  fear,  surrounded  by  his 
guard. 

As  it  was  felt  necessary  to  keep  the  assembly 
that  had  been  called  for  in  May  in  good  spirits, 
it  was  decided  to  take  Talleyrand's  advice  and 
issue  a  declaration  which  specifically  set  forth 
that  the  object  of  the  war  was  the  removal  of  Na- 
poleon, in  this  manner  leaving  the  question  of  the 
restoration  of  the  Bourbons  to  the  judgment  of 
the  nation. 

According  to  reports  brought  by  General 
Waldersdorf,  the  Danish  ambassador,  a  party 
was  formed  in  Paris  by  men  discontented  with 
Bourbon  rule,  composed  of  constitutionalists, 
regicides,  and  Bonapartists,  which  sought  a 
change  in  the  government  in  order  to  seize  power 
and  enrich  themselves.  At  their  head  was  Carnot, 
later  Fouche,  who  gave  the  government  proofs  of 
his  adherence  for  a  long  time,  but  later  left  it.  The 


444    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

postal  director  Ferrand  placed  a  Bonapartist, 
La  Vallette,  at  the  head  of  the  postal  service,  and 
he  suppressed  all  reports  dealing  with  the  general 
unrest.  The  minister  of  police  asked  Bassano 
for  a  trustworthy  man  for  his  department,  and 
received  the  latter's  friend  Mounier.  Soult  was 
given  a  place  on  the  recommendation  of  an  "im- 
migrant," M.  de  Bruggs,  who  declared  that  he 
would  have  him  watched  through  a  friend  who 
was  in  the  war  council. 

This  party,  however,  regards  Napoleon  only 
as  its  tool,  which  it  is  ready  to  destroy  and  prob- 
ably soon  will  have  to  do  so,  in  order  to  save  itself, 
as  the  army  now  has  not  more  than  120,000  men, 
and  lacks  arms ;  for  the  factories  can  supply  only 
15,000  monthly.  It  appears  that  St.  Montereau 
was  sent  to  Vienna  by  this  group  to  get  informa- 
tion on  affairs  here,  and  on  the  steps  taken  by  the 
allies,  etc. 

In  order  that  his  party  and  its  opponents  and 
the  opponents  of  the  Bourbons  should  not  be 
driven  to  desperation,  it  was  decided  to  issue  the 
declaration.  There  was  difficulty  in  finding  a 
place  where  the  integrity  of  France  might  be 
mentioned;  Clancarty  also  criticized  it  because  it 
did  not  clearly  state  that  Louis  XVIII  was  to 
be  returned  to  the  throne.  It  was  feared  that 
Czar  Alexander  might  be  inclined  to  change  the 
order  of  succession  to  the  throne  because  of  his 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  445 

aversion  to  the  Bourbons  and  especially  to  Louis 
XVIII,  and  perhaps  would  favor  the  Duke  of 
Orleans.  All  this,  however,  was  based  solely  on 
conjecture,  on  an  article  in  the  French  newspaper 
of  Frankfort,  and  similar  expressions,  and  on 
anxiety  over  the  influence  of  La  Harpe,  whose 
head  was  full  of  immature  ideas,  and  whose  heart 
was  filled  with  injured  vanity  and  bitterness. 

April  18,  23. — German  affairs  at  last  seem  to 
progress.  The  Humboldt  proposal  found  little 
approval  because  of  its  vacillating  language. 
Herr  von  Plessen  and  Herr  von  Wessenberg 
have  drafted  another ;  and  when  negotiations  were 
begun  with  the  German  nobility  regarding  the  al- 
liance, the  Mecklenburg  ambassador,  Herr  von 
Plessen,  renewed  his  demand  for  a  decision  on  the 
basic  law.  Herr  von  Humboldt  and  Count  Nes- 
selrode  gave  him  specific  assurances. 

Czar  Alexander  insisted  on  April  23  that  I  re- 
main here  until  the  wind-up  of  the  German  affair. 
Metternich  assured  me  on  April  24  that  this 
would  be  brought  about  when  I  represented  to 
him  the  necessity  for  a  decision  to  appease  the 
people  and  because  of  the  special  war  measures. 

The  Bavarian  affair  was  closed  on  the  twenty- 
fourth,  wanting  only  the  consent  of  Wiirtemberg, 
Hesse,  Darmstadt,  and  Baden.  The  latter  two 
were  against  giving  Bavaria  land  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Rhine  and  letting  the  Bavarian  boundary 


446     A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

come  so  close  to  Mannheim  and  Darmstadt.  The 
whole  Bavarian  settlement  was  effected  in  an  un- 
fortunate manner.  It  encircles  the  whole  of 
southern  Germany  with  Bavarian  possessions; 
it  takes  the  fortress  of  Salzberg  from  Austria;  it 
mars  the  unity  and  federation  of  the  little  states 
at  a  moment  when  they  have  to  raise  troops  and 
make  all  sorts  of  efforts.  It  would  be  better  to 
postpone  the  whole  settlement  until  after  the  war. 
The  war  itself  will  bring  about  readjustments 
that  can  be  utilized  with  profit. 

The  present  size  of  Bavaria  is  disadvantageous 
for  Germany.  It  leans  heavily  upon  its  neigh- 
bors ;  it  strives  toward  enlargement ;  the  spirit  of 
its  government  is  perverted;  anJ  anything  may 
be  expected  as  a  result  of  its  ambition  and  its  ill 
feeling  toward  Prussia  and  Austria.  Its  limita- 
tion to  the  land  between  the  Danube  and  the  Lech 
is  necessary  for  the  internal  and  external  tran- 
quillity of  Germany,  and  it  is  to  be  expected  that 
its  Government  will  soon  give  good  cause  for  such 
a  rectification.  It  is  therefore  advisable  to  leave 
it  out  of  the  German  Confederation  and  not  to 
endanger  the  political  life  of  this  organization  by 
including  Bavaria.  Its  designs  do  not  allow  it  to 
submit  to  the  limitations  of  the  federal  agree- 
ment; this  can  be  concluded,  therefore,  only  by 
omitting  Bavaria  and  by  waiting  the  turn  of 
events.  Herr  von  Plessen  said  to  Minister  that 


POLAND  AND  SAXONY  447 

he  believed  things  could  be  concluded  without 
Bavaria.  Minister  was  of  the  opinion  that  the 
powers  of  medium  size  should  protect  the  smaller 
ones,  and  that  Bavaria  was  necessary  for  this. 

The  agreement  on  Poland  was  finally  signed 
between  Austria  and  Prussia  on  May  5.  The 
Poles,  however,  remained  disaffected,  because  the 
czar  did  not  unite  his  old  provinces  with  the 
Duchy  of  Warsaw  under  the  name  of  a  Kingdom 
of  Poland.  There  was  trouble  brewing  among 
them  continually,  which  was  increased  by  the  ill 
feeling  of  Grand  Duke  Constantine  toward  a 
number  of  Polish  generals.  The  agreement  al- 
lowed free  intercourse  for  Polish  products  in  all 
the  Polish  provinces ;  in  this  manner  the  tariff  of 
1811,  which  cut  Russia  off,  was  set  aside,  which 
was  beneficial  for  Russia. 

The  conferences  on  provisioning  in  Germany 
are  progressing  very  slowly  on  account  of  the  in- 
terference of  England  and  Hanover.  As  the 
armies  moved  into  Germany  and  full  and  imme- 
diate payment  for  the  great  armies  was  impossible 
at  the  prices  set  by  profiteering,  I  suggested  that 
the  deliveries  be  made  to  cover  the  needs  of  three 
months  according  to  reduced  prices,  which  were 
agreed  upon  with  the  princes, — payment  to  be 
made  partly  in  cash,  partly  in  notes, — and  the 
division  of  Germany  into  three  provisioning  dis- 
tricts. Negotiations  and  discussions  on  this  sub- 


448    A  PEACE  CONGRESS  OF  INTRIGUE 

ject  were  begun  with  the  princes,  which  Count 
Minister  refused  to  join  on  the  ground  named  in 
the  beginning,  and  in  this  he  was  supported  by  the 
English.  Gen.  Vincent  was  instructed  to  confer 
on  this  subject  with  the  King  of  the  Netherlands. 

May  8. — The  discussion  of  German  affairs 
have  finally  begun.  Prince  Metternich  had  caused 
Herr  von  Wessenberg  to  draw  up  a  draft  of  an 
act  of  federation.  The  conferences  began  May 
11. 

Revolt  of  the  Saxon  regiment  of  the  grenadier 
guards.  Infamous  results  of  the  intrigues  of  the 
unreasoning  supporters  of  the  king. 

Czar  Alexander  won  the  love  of  the  inhabitants 
by  his  human  kindliness  and  well-intentioned  con- 
duct. He  was  pleased  with  their  good  nature, 
and  cordiality,  and  these  impressions  will  work 
beneficially  in  the  future.  He  told  Counts 
Wrbna,  Zichy,  and  Auersperg  that  he  hoped  to 
come  back  to  Vienna  and  that  he  departed  with 
regret;  he  viewed  Europe  as  a  great  family,  and 
as  he  was  the  youngest  of  the  rulers,  he  felt  that 
he  would  have  to  visit  his  friends  as  often  as  the 
general  tranquillity  allowed  him  to  do  so.  He 
visited  one  of  the  taverns  in  the  Prater  unrecog 
nized  by  the  guests,  ordered  beer,  and  tobacco, 
paid  the  regular  price,  and  left  without  being 
observed. 


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